Зайцев О., Беген О., Стефанів В. Націоналізм і релігія: Греко-Католицька Церква та український націоналістичний рух у Галичині (1920 - 1930-ті роки). Львів: Видавництво Українського Католицького Університету, 2011. - 384 с.

There has always been a certain amount of excitement around the issue of the relationship between the Ukrainian nationalist movement and the clergy of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC), which contributed to its biased coverage. Historians of the Soviet era categorically accused the Greek Catholic clergy of complicity in fascism, and the Greek Catholic Church (GCC) was almost identified with the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists( OUN), equally blaming them for "crimes against the Ukrainian people"1. To a certain extent, Russian confessional (Orthodox) historians are also influenced by this cliche 2. On the contrary, in Ukrainian historiography (emigrant and modern), there is often a tendency to idealize the activities of Ukrainian nationalists and support the rightness of their actions with examples of support for the OUN from the GCC hierarchy.3 In fact, all these studies are devoted to the period of the Second World War. Extreme wartime conditions simplified the picture

1. Dmitruk K. E. Uniate Crusaders: yesterday and Today, Moscow, 1988; Yaroslav Galan. С крестом или с ножом. М.: Художественная литература, 1962; Масловский В.І. С кім і проти кого воювали українські націоналісти в роки Другої світової війни? Moscow: Slavyansky dialog Publ., 1999.

2. Tsypin V., prot. History of the Russian Church (1917 - 1997): History of the Russian Church: In 9 vols. Москва, 1997. Т. 9; Добош Олексій, прот. Унія на Україні. Вік XX. Кам'янець Подільський: "Дзвін", 1996.

3. Савчук С., Мулик-Луцик Ю. Історія Української греко-православної церкви в Канаді. In 5 tons. Віннепег, 1984. Т. 1. Київська церковна традиція українців Канади; Боцюрків Б. Українська Греко-Католицька Церква і Радянська держава (1939 - 1950). Львів: Український Католицький Університет, 2005; Старка В. В. Рух опору а Галичині в 1941 - 1944 рр. Львів, 2006.

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The relationship between radical Ukrainian parties and associations of Greek Catholics is rather complicated.

Therefore, the attempt of the team of authors of the Ukrainian Catholic University (Lviv) to study this topic on the material of the interwar period, when the foundations of relations between the GCC and the Ukrainian nationalist movement were just being formed, brings a fresh stream to the history of the issue and allows us to describe these relations more objectively. The seriousness of the authors ' intentions is evidenced by an in-depth study of the political and social situation in Galicia at that time, as well as drawing parallels with the development of similar relations - between organizations of a certain type and "national" confessions - in a number of other European countries after the First World War. At the same time, the authors ' belonging to a confessional historiographical school is noticeable throughout the work, which is expressed in the assessment of events through the prism of Christian ethics.

In the first chapter, the authors examined the peculiarities of the development of national movements and their relations with the dominant church organizations in Western and Eastern Europe. In their opinion, the pan-European socio-political context had a significant impact on the formation of relations between Ukrainian nationalist circles and the church environment in Galicia in the 1920s and 1930s. The historical excursion is preceded by a theoretical study of the question of European nationalism, in which the authors draw on the works of Western researchers-Emilio Gentile, Carlton Gase, John Armstrong and Peter Alter.4 With their help, A. Zaitsev characterized various forms of nationalism, paying special attention to "integral nationalism" (when a nation is considered as an organic integrity and the highest value, its interests are placed above the interests of the individual, any social group, other nations and humanity as a whole) and the theory of "political religion" (which implies the sacralization of a certain religion). It does not recognize the freedom of the individual, fights against traditional religions or subordinates them to itself) (pp. 31, 35).

4. Gentile, E. (2006) Politics as Religion. Princeton; Hayes, C.J. H. (1968) The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism. New York; Armstrong, J.A. (1990) Ukrainian Nationalism. Englewood (Colorado); Alter, P. (1993) Nationalism and Liberalism in Modern German History. St. Paul, Minnesota.

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Summing up the analysis of concepts, Zaitsev notes that the most rapid development of modern nationalist ideologies, as well as the modernization of the Christian worldview, occurs precisely in the interwar period. The researcher comes to the conclusion that all nationalist movements in European countries that can be described as "integral", at that time to varying degrees were under the influence of fascism. In all integral nationalist movements, the issue of attitudes to traditional Christian religions was very acute, although it had its own specifics in different states.

The ideology of integral nationalism presupposed either the eradication of traditional confessions or their subordination to the idea of the nation, but this was not always possible to implement in practice. In some cases, the leaders of the movement still needed to fit into the framework of the Christian worldview and even coordinate their actions with the position of the church hierarchy. This was typical of countries where the position of the church was particularly strong in society (a vivid example is Poland). Nevertheless, very often integral nationalism (with pronounced fascist and totalitarian features) took extreme forms, turning into a political religion (Germany, Romania). As far as church organizations are concerned, in most cases they have not been able to avoid participating in politics, although to varying degrees. Some of them managed to maintain their independence based on the principles of faith, while others were partly influenced by integral nationalism.

In the next two chapters, the authors examine the role of the Greek Catholic Church in the Ukrainian socio-political life of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, as well as the development and formation of the ideology and methods of struggle of the Ukrainian nationalist movement. The book provides a large number of examples of the activity of Greek Catholic clerics (among whom the leading place was occupied by the head of the GCC Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky), aimed at developing civil society and awakening national consciousness. Historians credit Metropolitan Andrew for his initiatives to create a network of lay organizations of Christian and social orientation (the Ukrainian Catholic Union, the Marian Youth Association, the Marian Squads and Unions, and the Ukrainian Christian Student Organization), which persecuted the Ukrainian Orthodox Church.-

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their goal was to create a new political worldview based on spiritual foundations and calling all politicians and public figures to moral responsibility before the people. Thus, the GCC hierarchy tried to resist what it considered dangerous communist, socialist, liberal, and ultra-radical nationalist ideas.

The initiatives of the Greek Catholic clergy were successful among the population, and in the 1930s, Christian public organizations managed to attract significant masses of the population, including school and student youth. At the same time, political circles often disapproved of this kind of public activity of the church, believing that its competence should not extend beyond the boundaries of religious issues proper. In justification of the GCC, the authors claim that Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky tried to stand above any political struggle, rejecting offers of membership in political parties. At the same time, they do not deny that the metropolitan most sympathized with the UNDO (a party that advocated the autonomy of Galicia within Poland, which eventually had to develop into full independence), and the leaders of the latter were included in the close circle of communication of the head of the GCC. In the 1920s. Sheptytsky also showed favor to the Ukrainian Radical Socialist Party, whose program contained national-state theses. The political sympathies of the Greek Catholic Metropolitan revealed his views on the future of the Ukrainian people as an independent and state - owned state (pp. 133-134).

It should be noted that these views of the Metropolitan were shared by the majority of representatives of the clergy of the GCC. However, researchers note that the Greek Catholic clergy also had its opponents, who believed that the church should be loyal to the Polish authorities in everything and do everything to maintain the existing system, and that the issue of Ukrainian statehood is a matter of the distant future, and its resolution depends on God's providence. The group of supporters of such ideas was headed by Bishop Grigory Khomyshin of Stanislavsky. The authors argue that the differences in the political preferences of both hierarchs of the GCC were directly related to their views on the ritual side of church life. Metropolitan Sheptytsky was a proponent of preserving the Eastern Christian liturgical tradition, while Grigory Khomyshin believed that the Greek-Catholic Church of the Russian Orthodox Church was a Christian.-

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The Roman rites must be brought into full conformity with the Latin tradition of the Catholic Church.

The authors convincingly showed how significant the role of the GCC was in the social and political life of Galicia during the interwar period and how strongly the Greek Catholic hierarchy and clergy were concerned about current political issues.

The chapter devoted to the development of Ukrainian "integral" nationalism consistently describes the history of the formation of this ideology (the father of which was D. Dontsov), as well as the creation and formation of radical nationalist organizations, including the most influential among them - the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). Lviv researchers recognize that the Ukrainian nationalist movement, following the example of other nationalist movements in Europe, made attempts to sacralize its own ideology and thereby acquired the features of a political religion (exaltation of the Ukrainian nation, creation of a system of myths and beliefs, as well as special codes of ethical precepts for Ukrainian nationalists, propaganda of the messianic role of the OUN, the cult of heroism history of the liberation struggle). At the same time, A. Zaitsev notes that Ukrainian nationalism has not fully developed into a political religion, as it happened with fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany. This did not happen because the OUN was underground and could not involve the broad masses in its activities, and did not have its own "sacred text".Mein Kampf or the works of Marx and Lenin, and the creator of the OUN Ye. Konovalets was not in a position to claim the role of a leader-a leader like Mussolini or Hitler. But the main obstacle that, according to A. Zaitsev, propagandists of extreme nationalism faced was the traditional way of life of the Galician population with its rootedness in the Christian faith of the Greek Catholic rite, a way that did not allow excessive sacralization of the nation. The researchers also note that the claims of nationalists to give the Ukrainian national idea the character of a political religion were so obvious that in the 1930s they alarmed the Greek Catholic Church and caused its resistance (pp. 229-230).

The final chapter of the book offers a detailed analysis of the relationship between the GCC and the Ukrainian nationalist movement. The authors note that in the interwar period-

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od GCC still remained the core of the national identity of Galician Ukrainians. Along with religious education, the priests paid considerable attention to the education of the national patriotic spirit in the flock. This was expressed in the support of such public patriotic organizations as "Prosvita", "Ridna Shkola", "Plast", as well as in the joint organization of national patriotic holidays. The public activity of the GCC was so high that it caused concern to the Polish authorities, who monitored both the top officials of the hierarchy and ordinary priests, and the most active were even arrested (p.248).

The authors paid special attention to the question of the correspondence of the OUN's ideological ideas about the church and religion to the actual teaching of the GCC. There were significant discrepancies between them. For the GCC, the absolutization of the nation was unacceptable, as well as the OUN's desire to create a national Ukrainian church independent of Rome and Moscow, which was contrary to the universal nature of the Catholic Church. In addition, radical nationalists were irreconcilably opposed to the loyal position of the Greek Catholic hierarchy in relation to the Polish authorities, believing that the church hierarchy's obsequious policy harms the struggle for an independent Ukraine. The Greek Catholic clergy, in turn, could not approve of terrorism and revolution as methods of liberation struggle. At the same time, historians note that the majority of OUN members treated the GCC traditionally, remaining loyal to it at the level of ritual life and paying due respect to its hierarchy. In addition, the ideologues of radical nationalism had to reckon with the high religiosity of Galician society, the strong positions of the GCC and the authority of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky.

However, in the 1930s, there were more and more conflicts between the OUN and the clergy of the GCC, connected with the struggle of both sides for influence over the minds of Galicians, primarily young people. The hierarchy and clergy of the GCC tried to protect the population of Galicia from extremist movements-communism and integral nationalism. For this purpose, Catholic parties were created (the Ukrainian Catholic People's Party, the initiator of the EP. Hryhoriy Khomyshyn) and non-partisan organizations (Ukrainian Catholic Union-initiator of Mitr. Andrey Sheptytsky; Catholic action

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Ukrainian Youth, Catholic action of Ukrainian women's Youth). Bishop Gregory's party, as well as Vladyka himself, were extremely negative about the activities of the OUN, while the attitude of the Catholic Union and Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky towards Ukrainian nationalists cannot be unequivocally assessed.

On the one hand, Sheptytsky shared the main goal of the nationalist movement-the creation of an independent state, but on the other hand, he did not approve of extremist methods of political struggle. The authors do not avoid mentioning certain statements of the Greek Catholic Metropolitan, which can be described as sanctioning the revolutionary struggle. At the same time, they explain that the position of the head of the GCC did not contradict the social doctrine of the Catholic Church, according to which if state leaders overstep the boundaries of their power or their actions contradict the laws of God, their power loses its binding force.

The authors note that Sheptytsky did at first refrain from condemning the actions of the OUN, but the situation changed after an open confrontation with the organization in 1933 on the occasion of the patriotic holiday "Ukrainian Youth to Christ" held with the blessing of Metropolitan Andrew, which the nationalists tried to disrupt by any means, including the threat of terrorist acts (pp. 278-282). In 1934, the metropolitan sharply criticized the OUN in connection with the murder of the director of the Archiepiscopal Institute for Catholic Action I. Babiy (who was trying to prevent the recruitment of students to the nationalist underground) and other terrorist actions that were becoming more frequent at that time (p.294). Critical assessments of the integral nationalists were also heard from other representatives of the GCC.

In addition, the authors show how supporters of the position of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky tried to cooperate with the OUN in order to return the nationalist movement to Christian foundations, since they considered nationalists to be their allies in the fight against unacceptable ideologies of communism, socialism and liberalism. These political systems were considered dangerous because of their pluralism, free-thinking and indifferent attitude to religion, materialism. Nationalism, however, purged of anti-Christian perversions, corresponded, in the opinion of the Greek Catholic Church.

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clergy, church ethics. In particular, historians cite the expression of one of the Greek Catholic thinkers, O. M. Konrad: "The competition of nations for their national statehood is highly ethical" (p. 330).

In the 1930s, the GCC (ep. I. Buchka, O. M. Konrad, K. Chekhov) paid great attention to the development and integration of the so-called "Christian nationalism"into Galician society. The latter, according to his supporters, could unite the Ukrainian people for the sake of building a Ukrainian independent state. It was assumed that any related activity, as well as the foundations of the future national state, must necessarily be Christian. It should be noted that the ideas of Christian nationalism were widespread in Europe as early as the 1920s. Speaking about the political initiatives of the GCC, the authors state the fact that the majority of the population of Galicia, despite their deep roots in the faith and devotion to the Greek Catholic rite, did not understand and did not accept such forms of church activity.

As a result, the authors come to the following conclusions.

The OUN's attitude to traditional religion was formally positive, but it was primarily instrumental: Eastern Rite Christianity was seen as the most important foundation of national consciousness, and the church as an exclusively national institution. Within the OUN, there were different positions on the religious issue, and therefore the religious policy of this organization should be considered as multi-vector and variable depending on the circumstances. On the one hand, this was due to the Christian upbringing of the majority of the organization's members, as well as to the church's strong position in Galician society. On the other hand, the ideology of integral nationalism contained provisions that contradicted Christianity and the ecclesiological foundations of the Greek Catholic Church. It was also unacceptable for the OUN leadership that the GCC hierarchy was loyal to the Polish authorities; in addition, nationalists eventually began to claim the role of a spiritual educator of the nation. These contradictions led to conflicts with the Church.

As for the interpretation by Lviv historians of the GCC's attitude to the nationalist movement, it should be noted that in terms of the depth of analysis and the array of materials used, as well as weighted estimates, this study shows that-

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it compares favorably with those written earlier. The authors consistently set out the circumstances and reasons for the GCC's contacts with the nationalist movement, as well as the history of the deterioration of their relations in the 1930s, when some representatives of the GCC tried to prevent the unification of nationalist ideology and Christianity and prevent the involvement of young people in the nationalist underground. The authors analyzed the socio-political initiatives of the Greek Catholic hierarchy to create a civil society based on Catholic identity in Galicia. They also did not ignore the fact that there is an internal confrontation between two different directions in the socio-political movement of Greek Catholics, headed by the Metropolitan and the Bishop of Stanislaus.

It should be noted that in the final conclusions, the researchers coherently described the motivation, successes and failures of the socio-political activities of the GCC. The main failure, according to the authors, was that the Catholic social movement could not become an effective alternative to integral nationalism. The reasons for this failure are as follows: first, the Catholic movement itself was not devoid of the totalitarianism associated with the then existing understanding of "real Catholicism"; second, its inspirers did not see the danger posed by integral nationalism-totalitarianism; third, they did not understand that totalitarianism could be a threat to the world. only ideological pluralism can be opposed. The latter point, according to the authors, weakened the position of the Catholic movement, since it attributed to its enemies both liberalism and socialism (even in its democratic version), which could, together with the Catholic movement, resist totalitarianism. And the most important reason for the Ukrainian youth's insensitivity to political Catholicism is that it did not provide a convincing answer to the question of how to achieve national liberation and gain their own statehood (p.346).

It is important to motivate the social and political activities of the Greek Catholic clergy. According to the authors, political Catholicism was a forced response of the GCC to the challenges of modern socio-political movements of the first half of the XX century, in which the church saw a threat to Christian values. GCC sought to be socially responsible-

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Therefore, the episcopate was looking for adequate measures to counter "enemy ideologies" and effective methods of work among the laity, especially among young people. Catholic authors, in principle, do not question the very necessity of involving the GCC in the political struggle; obviously, in their opinion, this was justified by good intentions.

At the same time, it should be noted that the critical motive in assessing the political activity of church leaders is still present in the concluding remarks, when the authors emphasize that this phenomenon was characteristic of a certain era and that now the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, referring to the pastoral teaching of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, has resolutely refused to interfere in politics, becoming significant a participant in the social and spiritual life of modern Ukraine. This statement shows that the representatives of the Ukrainian Catholic University, unfortunately, did not manage to avoid the traditional positioning of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky as an apolitical figure in Greek Catholic historiography. Although the head of the GCC, indeed, tried to avoid direct participation in political actions, did not openly associate himself with any political direction and kept above the inter-party struggle, the study itself refutes the claim that Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky was "out of politics". For it is obvious that he himself and his high authority in Galician society were the generators of the social and political activity of representatives of the Greek Catholic clergy and active believers. This casts doubt on the objectivity of the authors ' assessment of the apolitical nature of the Greek Catholic clergy in our time-with reference to the figure and legacy of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky.

As for the acute, debatable issues concerning the attitude of Metropolitan Andrew and the GCC to xenophobia, including anti-Semitism, the authors do not specifically address them, limiting themselves to analyzing those aspects of" integral nationalism " that are absolutely unacceptable from the point of view of Christian ethics. They point out that the idea of national exclusivity and superiority of one nation over another, as well as the associated manifestations of interethnic hatred and violence, were one of the causes of the conflict between the Greek Catholic Church and the OUN in the 1930s. However, the authors do not mention the position

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the Greek Catholic hierarchy regarding the Jewish pogroms in Lviv in 1941 and the Ukrainian-Polish massacre in Volhynia in 1943, organized by the OUN. Such silence could be explained by the conceptual weakness and bias of the work, but we cannot say this unequivocally, since these events go beyond the time frame set by the researchers themselves.

The study under consideration is of considerable value not only because of the analysis carried out by the authors. It helps to understand the concepts that researchers from the Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv rely on: the authors proceeded from Christian, humanistic and democratic principles of assessing socio-political history.

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