Libmonster ID: RS-587

The beginning and middle of the 70s of the XIX century went down in the history of the Russian revolutionary liberation movement as a time of mass circulation of the advanced raznochinny intelligentsia to the people. The leading idea of the Narodniks was "faith in a special way of life, in the communal system of Russian life", and hence "faith in the possibility of a peasant socialist revolution" In accordance with these theoretical ideas about the Russian peasant as a "ready-made socialist", the practical work of the Narodniks was also carried out .2 They tried to rouse the peasantry to revolution by telling the muzhik "about the European system and workers' associations, " 3 by directly propagating socialist ideas and calling for a social revolution .4 "Going to the people " was widely developed in the spring of 1874. It covered at least 37 provinces of Russia. The youth of various ranks were sent first of all to those areas that were once the centers of peasant movements - to the Volga and Don, to the Ukraine and the Urals. 5
As you know, this movement did not bring the desired success. The peasantry of the 70s of the XIX century was far from political life, had tsarist sentiments and did not support the narodniks, and the government of Alexander II quickly took punitive measures. Over a thousand people were arrested, and most of them were put on trial. Some members of the movement were disappointed. The Narodniks began to review their tactics, and the question arose of concentrating the forces of the Narodniks ' movement in a single organization, and of working out a new program of action. In 1876, a secret society was formed, which adopted the name "Land and Freedom". Its founders were M. A. and O. A. Natanson, A. D. Mikhailov, A. D. Oboleshev, G. V. Plekhanov, O. V. Aptekman, D. A. Lizogub and others. In their practical work, the landowners moved from "wandering" propaganda to the organization of settled village settlements. They became village teachers, paramedics, and agronomists, and conducted local revolutionary agitation among the peasantry. However, the experience of "settlements among the people" turned out to be just as unsuccessful as"going to the people". In 1879. due to tactical differences among the landowners, a split occurred into two independent organizations: Narodnaya Volya and Cherny Peredelok. Chernopedeltsy (G. V. Plekhanov, M. R. Popov, O. V. Aptekman, V. N. Ignatov) stood mainly on the platform of "Land and Freedom" and considered the basis of their activities the struggle for economic transformation, for the redistribution of "black wealth" - land; Narodnaya Volya (A. I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, V. N. Figner, N. I. Kibalchich) advocated a political struggle against autocracy, the means of which they chose individual terror.

The mass march of the revolutionary youth to the people in the early and mid-70s of the XIX century was an act of great selflessness. He aroused the sympathy and admiration of the leading circles of Russian society, and encouraged them to fight. It is no accident that already in the late 70s there were memoirs of narodniks, in which they talked about their activities. A significant part of the memoir materials devoted to the narodnik movement were published after the Great October Revolution. Excerpts from the memoirs of one of the participants of the narodnik movement, Rosalia Markovna Bograd-Plekhanova, wife of G. V. Plekh, are published below for the first time-

1 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 1, p. 271.

2 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 9, p. 179.

3 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 1, p. 288.

4 See I. D. Kovalchenko and V. I. Lenin on the stages of the 19th-century revolutionary movement in Russia. Voprosy Istorii, 1960, No. 4, p. 71.

5 "Istoriya Kommunisticheskoi partii Sovetskogo Soyuza" (History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union), Vol. 1, Moscow, 1964, pp. 57-58.

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nova. They just tell about the revolutionary populism, but already in the second half of the 70s of the XIX century.

R. M. Bograd was born on May 3, 1856 in the village of Dobrenkoe, Kherson uyezd 6, in a family of agricultural colonists. Soon her parents moved to Kherson. R. M. Bograd received her primary education in a private school, then studied at a private gymnasium for 12 years. In high school, she was fond of cutting-edge Russian and European literature, and later recalled that at that time she was especially fond of A. S. Pushkin's poem" The Prophet", I. S. Turgenev's novels" Fathers and Sons"," On the Eve", F. Schiller's drama" Mary Stuart", F. S. Turgenev's novel "The Prophet". Spielhagen's "One in the field is not a warrior". In Kherson, in the early 70s, there were narodnik circles of A. A. Frangioli and V. R. Langans. R. M. Bograd and her contemporaries read articles by D. I. Pisarev and N. A. Dobrolyubov, N. G. Chernyshevsky's novel " What is to be Done?", Omulevsky's (I. V. Fedorov) novel " Step by Step "(about women's emancipation), and read published books about women's emancipation. Abroad, P. L. Lavrov's " Historical Letters "and the illegal narodnik newspaper"Vperyod".

Under the influence of this literature, several graduates of the gymnasium, including R. M. Bograd, began to dream of working for the benefit of the people. In 1874, Bograd and three of her friends came to St. Petersburg, where they entered the Higher Women's Medical Courses at the Military Medical Academy. They enthusiastically studied not only medicine, but also related disciplines, listened to lectures by A. P. Borodin, S. P. Botkin and other prominent scientists. However, it wasn't long before Bograd's main job was to stop taking classes at the courses. Meeting revolutionaries, attending open political trials, participating in student gatherings, and studying socio-political literature quickly supplanted everything else. According to her beliefs, in the first years of her life in St. Petersburg, she was a lavristka.

The Lavrists (followers of P. L. Lavrov) believed that revolutionaries should use all their strength for long-term propaganda among the masses, which would only lead to revolution in the distant future. They called on the intelligentsia to fulfill their duty to the working classes by devoting their entire lives to the cause of liberating Russia from autocracy. In contrast, M. A. Bakunin's supporters, who had grown stronger after 1876, considered it possible to immediately start preparing for a nationwide uprising, relying mainly on the peasants. The rebellious, Bakuninist trend at one time had many supporters among a part of the student youth, who were impatient to see the results of revolutionary activity as soon as possible. The following excerpts from the memoirs of R. M. Bograd-Plekhanova describe her participation in the revolutionary movement of the second half of the 70s, her trip to the Samara province to agitate among the peasantry, the youth demonstration in Odessa, and the first strikes organized by landowners at St. Petersburg enterprises.

A deservedly large place in the memoirs is given to G. V. Plekhanov. The Soviet bibliography of works about G. V. Plekhanov includes dozens of monographs, articles, and scientific notes. These works are mainly devoted to the ideological legacy of a well-known figure of the international and Russian socialist movement7 . Our public honors the memory of Plekhanov for the contribution he made to the treasury of Marxism, to the propaganda and dissemination of its ideas in Russia and around the world, without forgetting the later mistakes of G. V. Plekhanov. Highly appreciated the work of Plekhanov gave

V. I. Lenin. On the eve of the First World War, he wrote to the editors of Pravda: "Concerning Plekhanov... We must take the tone at once that a great theoretician, with enormous merits in the struggle against opportunism, Bernstein, and the anti-Marxist philosophers , is a man whose mistakes in the tactics of 1903-1907 did not prevent him from having a hard time

6 R. M. Bograd's passports indicate that she was born in Kherson. The dates of birth in the documents and in the memoirs are different: 1856, 1857, 1858. In the last Soviet passport issued in 1933, it is indicated as the year of birth-1856.

7 An essay by V. G. Chumachenko (Voprosy Istorii, 1968, NN 5-7) was devoted to the life path and revolutionary activity of G. V. Plekhanov. A book by Z. Lukawski. Jerzy Plechanow was recently published in Poland. Warszawa. 1970), who worked for a long time on the funds of the archive of the Plekhanov House (Leningrad).

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1908-1912. sing the praises of the "underground" and expose its enemies and opponents " 8 . The attitude of Vladimir Ilyich towards Plekhanov can also be judged from the review of N. K. Krupskaya: "Plekhanov played a major role in the development of Vladimir Ilyich, helped him find the right revolutionary path, and therefore Plekhanov was surrounded by a halo for him for a long time, and he experienced every minor discrepancy with Plekhanov extremely painfully. And after the split, he listened attentively to what Plekhanov said... " 9. V. I. Lenin appreciated in Plekhanov great erudition, the versatility of his scientific knowledge, and it was not by chance that he emphasized that the advanced great Russian culture is primarily characterized by the names of Chernyshevsky and Plekhanov10 .

As early as 1874, as a student at the Mining Institute, Plekhanov met the Bakuninists. In 1875, he established close relations with the workers S. Khalturin, P. Moiseenko and was one of the founders of "Land and Freedom", actively participated in the St. Petersburg strikes, led workers ' circles in St. Petersburg, Rostov-on-Don, Saratov, Kiev, Kharkov, wrote leaflets and appeals. Even at that time, he stood out for his knowledge and journalistic talent. Plekhanov's articles in the illegal press made him a recognized theorist of revolutionary narodism. Georgy Valentinovich's own memoirs of that time, "The Russian Worker in the Revolutionary Movement,"11 are preserved . But in them Plekhanov writes about his activities only in passing. Therefore, the memoirs of R. M. Bograd-Plekhanova, who became the wife of G. V. Plekhanov in the spring of 1879, are of undoubted interest.

The published part of these memoirs is brought up to January 1880. How did the life of their author develop later? At the beginning of 1880, R. M. Plekhanova (according to her passport - still Bograd, since only in 1909 the marriage was officially registered), went to her husband in Switzerland. For 37 years, she lived in exile in Switzerland, France, and Italy, devoting her life to caring for her husband's health and well-being. It regarded its activities as a revolutionary duty, because it believed that by shifting all domestic and material concerns onto its own shoulders, it would free up G. V. Plekhanov's time and energy to fight for their common ideals. It was largely thanks to this that Plekhanov was able for many years, despite a serious illness, to lead an active life as a politician and scientist. R. M. Plekhanova had 12 small children on her hands , and material need, which often reached the point of poverty, was a constant companion of her family for a long time. In 1889, R. M. Plekhanova graduated from the Medical Faculty of the University of Geneva and worked as a doctor for many years. She took an active part in the activities of the Emancipation of Labor group, was a delegate to the London Congress of the Second International from the Russian Social Democrats, diligently helped her husband as a secretary (especially in the last years of his life), conducted his correspondence, made extracts from various books, wrote under his dictation and whitewashed manuscripts.

In March 1917, G. V. and R. M. Plekhanov returned to Russia. After the death of her husband in May 1918, R. M. Plekhanova again went abroad, where her daughters lived. She devoted a great deal of effort and energy to collecting and moving to Paris the archive and library of G. V. Plekhanov, which were partly located in Geneva and partly in San Remo. To all offers to sell her husband's archive and library, which she received from foreign institutions, as well as from white immigrant organizations, R. M. Plekhanova responded with a firm refusal. In 1922, by a decision of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the RCP(b), adopted at the initiative of V. I. Lenin, L. G. Deitsch was sent abroad to negotiate the acquisition of Plekhanov's literary heritage. The latter's family immediately responded to the offer of the Soviet Government and donated the Plekhanov archive and library to the USSR. : "The idea of moving to my beloved homeland made me very happy,

8 V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 48, p. 296.

9 "Memoirs of V. I. Lenin", Vol. 1, Moscow, 1968, pp. 608-609.

10 See V. I. Lenin. PSS. Vol. 24, p. 129.

11 See G. V. Plekhanov, Soch. Vol. 3, Moscow-Ptgr. 1924, pp. 127-205.

12 Two daughters died in childhood, Lydia Georgievna still lives near Paris, and Yevgenia Georgievna died in 1964 in France.

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and the interest that Vladimir Ilyich took in Plekhanov's archival legacy was a guarantee to me that this legacy would not be dispersed and that it would be provided with a proper repository. " 13
In 1929, the Plekhanov House was opened in Leningrad - the repository of his archive and library as a branch of the Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library. 14 R. M. Plekhanova became its first head. In the 1930s, eight collections of the "Literary Heritage of G. V. Plekhanov" were published, one of the editors of which was also R. M. Plekhanova. Even then, she made an attempt to write memoirs about her husband's life and activities, continuing her recordings of the 20s15 . In 1939, she went on vacation to visit her daughters in Paris. The outbreak of World War II soon prevented her from returning to her homeland, and then she fell seriously ill and died in 1949. The ashes of R. M. Plekhanova, according to her will, were transported to Leningrad and buried in the Volkov cemetery, in the grave of her husband. During her stay in Paris in the 1940s, R. M. Plekhanova wrote a memoir called "My Life". A handwritten copy of them was brought to Leningrad at the same time as her ashes, and the autograph was kindly given to the Plekhanov House by Lydia Georgievna Plekhanova-le-Savure in 1968.

In general, the memoirs of R. M. Plekhanova were brought to the Second Congress of the RSDLP in 1903. Their total volume in typescript translation is 430 pages. Despite the fact that R. M. Plekhanova, when she wrote her memoirs, was already over 80 years old, she retained a good memory, vividness of perception and observation. It should be noted that she spent most of her life abroad, so in her memoirs there are sometimes non-Russian turns of speech, and sometimes, naturally, old-fashioned words and expressions. We have provided notes to the text published below.

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13 Saltykov-Shchedrin State Public Library. Archive of the Plekhanov House. Ai, 31, 29.

14 Now a group of the GPB Manuscripts Department.

15 " The Peripheral Circle of Zemlya I Volya (Emancipation of Labor Group). Collection 4. Moscow, 1926, pp. 81-116); " Our life before emigration "(ibid. Collection 6. Moscow, 1928, pp. 65-119).

It was the beginning of 1876, long before the Kazan demonstration 1 . I first heard about Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov from the Kornilov sisters 2 . They talked about working-class circles, work among them, and arrests among them. Someone who took part in the conversation said that a student named "Georges" is very popular among the workers, and the workers love him very much, praise him and say about him with pride: "Our Georges". I was very interested in the story about the student "Georges" and his popularity in the working environment. I myself was very interested in the idea of working among the city workers, and I began to make connections among them through my Lavristy friends, and I attended some secret meetings where I spoke... Anton Taxis 3, Semenovsky 4 . But I did not manage to meet the student "Georges" until November 1877. I caught a glimpse of him in a reading room in St. Petersburg, after the Kazan demonstration, when his name became very popular among the revolutionary youth and one could only see him secretly, because he led an illegal life and was hiding from the police. In the reading room, my friend Pollyak 5, who was sitting next to me, whispered to me:"Here's Plekhanov." I saw a young man, of medium height, slender, with an intelligent face, a regular profile, with a beautiful cap of slicked-back brown hair. It passed quickly, like a vision, but I can still see the image... I was able to get a closer look at Georgy Valentinovich later, around November-December 1877, at a party with the "released ones" held in a student's apartment on 7th Peskov Street.

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A student community has settled down in a spacious and cozy apartment. Communal apartments were then in use. Each member contributed what they could to the general cash register, and there were some who couldn't contribute anything, but the camaraderie was such that the poor felt they were equal members with everyone else... Lavrist Ginsburg 6 jokingly called this commune "the commune of the 12 sleeping virgins". But this is in vain. They were energetic revolutionary students who had great connections in the revolutionary milieu, who did a lot in terms of supporting the revolution, raising funds, sheltering revolutionaries and saving them from persecution, and so on .The "process of the 193s" was going on, a process of revolutionary propagandists gathered in all corners of Russia. 7 The trial lasted four months, from October 1877 to January 1878. By their heroic behavior, the defendants aroused great enthusiasm among us young people. Myshkin's speech was on everyone's lips 8 . To meet one of these heroes, to see them was our dream. And now we learn that the judges have decided to release some of the revolutionaries who were brought to trial until the additional investigation is completed. I don't remember on whose initiative, but the sweetest commune decided to throw a secret party in honor of the "released". I was also invited to this party with my friend Teofilia Vasilyevna Pollyak...

They point out to me a beautiful, slender woman dancing a quadrille. Who is it? This is Korba 9, which is involved in a large process. My lucky friends and I, who managed to get to the trial, talked about the heroic behavior of the defendants, about Myshkin... A couple enters the hall-a man, young, beautiful, intelligent appearance, and a woman, of medium height, with a pretty face 10 . The male features are familiar to me, I've seen them somewhere, but where? I met the woman at student meetings, but I didn't know her personally. My friend Teofilia Vasilyevna approaches them and greets them. "This is Plekhanov," she tells me. "He's illegal, hiding from the police. He won't be staying here for long, he just dropped by to meet the defendants. Do you want me to introduce you? He's been talking to me about you, and he wants to meet you." Plekhanov, the hero of the Kazan demonstration, the same" Georges " whom the workers dote on! I was so excited that [I] declined my friend's offer, saying, " No, not now, another time.".. The appearance of Georgy Valentinovich aroused interest among the revolutionaries present at the party. His name was very popular among the revolutionary student youth. I didn't attend the Kazan demonstration and found out about it after it took place, but there was a lot of interest in it and its participants among us. Although, as a lavristka, I did not sympathize with the demonstrations and found them premature and a waste of revolutionary forces, the courage and bravery of the participants in this first open protest against the ugliness of the tsarist regime spoke to our young hearts and aroused in us enthusiastic feelings.

The Lavristov circle, to which I was close in my revolutionary sympathies, was unfriendly to Plekhanov as a Bakuninist. "The Bakuninists are a frivolous people, and we should stay away from them, away from the assurance that the revolution will take place in our country soon, in a year or two at most." But, despite the negative attitude of my close comrades in my views and sympathies at that time, I was very interested in the hero of the Kazan demonstration, and I was very happy to get to know him better. This opportunity presented itself relatively soon. On the same street where the commune "12 sleeping maidens" was located, our modest commune was located on 7-th street of Peskov, in the house of Nikolaev. This house was completely inhabited by students, student families. Our commune, whose members were Sofya Nikolaevna Prisetskaya-Bogomolets, Teofilia Vasilyevna Pollyak, S. P. Chudnovskaya 11 and I, occupied a small but cozy apartment...

One day we are approached on behalf of Georgy Valentinovich Plekhanov, asking if we can take in an illegal worker who has recently escaped from exile for a while. I responded to this request with enthusiasm, as far as I can remember. This will give me the opportunity to get acquainted with the revolutionary worker, to fulfill my dream of meeting the hero of the Kazan demonstration closely, to ask him about many things, to tell him about the impressions I have made from my meetings, conversations and work in the village. At this time, I began to waver between Lavrism and Bakunism. These fluctuations were largely facilitated by

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impressions fresh from my stay during the summer of 1877 in Shiroky, in the Samara province, where I went to work among the peasants... This was at the beginning of '77, when the cry for" the people " had for us, the revolutionary-minded youth, the meaning of a moral appeal. There, in the "people", we will measure our strength, see what we are capable of, what we can devote our lives to. I have often spoken to my friend Dora Semyonovich about my ardent desire to become close to the peasant environment. She wrote about my desire to work among the peasants to her son-in-law, a zemstvo doctor who served in the village of Shiroky, Samara province. After some time, I received an invitation from him to come to them and work as a volunteer paramedic under his supervision, which I gladly agreed to.

..On the first day of my arrival [in Shirokoe], I went to the zemstvo doctor and introduced myself to him and his wife. The doctor gave me work at home with the peasants, and I also performed paramedic work during appointments. My rapprochement with the peasants was rapid. The village was inhabited mainly by sectarians, Molokans 12 . There were several Doukhobors 13 . I looked closely at their lives and noticed the difference in the material condition of these representatives of different sects. Molokans were well-to-do owners, had beautiful wooden houses, often two-story, large plots of land. The Doukhobors were poor and engaged in handicrafts, as their small plots of land did not provide them with the necessary means of subsistence. The peasants were very curious. Many of them were literate, but they read mainly the gospel, the Bible, and did not always understand this divine literature. I remember a young peasant asking me to explain to him how to understand the gospel saying: "Your left hand should not know what your right hand is giving." He did not understand the allegorical meaning of this parabola and was very surprised and thanked me for my explanation.

I studied with the peasants, explained to them some laws of physics, cosmography, shared with them what I knew about the heavenly bodies. My favorite student was Dukhobor, the shoemaker Fyodor, a peasant of 25-30 years with a serious, spiritual face. In the village, he was respected as a good, honest man with spiritual needs. I spent long evenings with him and talked to him about various scientific topics. He had a great interest in all scientific questions. There was also his beautiful young wife, who was obviously proud of her husband and his interest in science. Fyodor and I read Flerovsky's The Situation of the Working Class in Russia, 14 and he agreed that we should raise the level of needs of the peasants and workers, since this level is too low and this is one of the reasons for their backwardness and poverty. Invited to a Molokan family for a holiday, I read Nekrasov's poems "Peasants in Russia"to them. The women present were greatly impressed by a poem about how a mother's tear, grieved that she could not add salt to the children's food because of her poverty, filled up her lack . I remember that when they asked me what life was like in big cities, I told them about how the government persecutes, arrests, and jails people who spread the truth among the people in distress and give their lives to fight to get the people out of their misery. "Yes,"the hostess said to me," we understand you, and the government persecutes us for our faith, we understand you and sympathize with you." I worked with the peasants, mainly trying to give them a general education, and very carefully conducted socialist propaganda. Despite my caution, my landlord, a Shirokoye village foreman, came to my room and warned me that my presence in the village and my activities with the peasants had aroused suspicion among the local police and he was called in to ask about me, but my landlord reassured the authorities and I was left alone.

The village of Shirokoe, thanks to the Semyonovich sisters and a doctor who was known for his radical way of thinking, attracted many revolutionaries who set out to get closer to the people and live out their interests. So , when I was there, the revolutionary Bakuninist Kutuzova-Kafiero 15, who lived next to me and with whom we became very friendly, and Vera Nikolaevna Figner 16, who also really wanted to get a job with a doctor as a paramedic. But the place of the paramedic was already occupied by me, so she stayed only-

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I spent a day and moved to Samara. She was very upset that the paramedic's position was already taken, but she treated me, her rival, very nicely. I offered her hospitality for the duration of her stay in the village. Vera Nikolaevna brought with her Chernyshevsky's newly published novel Prologue to Prologue .17 It was necessary to read it that day, since it was to be returned to her the next day. We read it together in the Semyonovich family and sat over it all night. The impression of this piece was amazing. It's been 65 years since then, but even now I can see the excited faces of readers as they read their beloved author... Somewhat later, on my return to St. Petersburg, I learned from my friends Alexander Mikhailov and Georgy Valentinovich that Vera Nikolaevna worked as a propagandist among the intelligent youth at that time of her life, that is, in 1877, and enjoyed great respect and success in this environment, especially among the military youth...

I stayed in the village of Shirokoye until autumn, before the start of Medical School. I parted with the peasants in an extremely friendly manner. Many of the peasants I treated accompanied me to the railway station, and the women gave me gifts: eggs, live chickens, and handkerchiefs... I promised to correspond with Dukhobor Fyodor, and I promised to send him books and newspapers, which I did throughout the winter of 77/78. As a result of his stay in the village of Shiroky... I got the impression that the population of the village is curious, but not revolutionary. I wanted to talk to Georgy Valentinovich about all this, about the fresh impressions I had made during my brief, alas, too brief stay and direct relations with the peasants. I have heard him described by my comrades in the Lavristov circle as a bold, energetic young revolutionary who is deluded, like all Bakunin rebels, who believe that the social revolution will take place in our country soon, in ten years at most, that the economic life of our people contains the foundations for the future socialist system, that the community is the basis for the development of the that our country , although it has lagged behind the West in many respects, has the advantage over the rotten West, that there is no capitalism and no proletariat in the Western sense of the word, that our workers have recently moved away from the plough and in their own interests have not been able to develop the system that Western social scientists are striving for in the future. their sympathies and their entire psychology remain peasants, who are easily roused against the landlords, the government, who have imposed on them a heavy yoke of ransom payments and taxes. I was looking forward to the opportunity to talk to Georgy Valentinovich about all these issues, I was going to tell him my impressions, express my doubts about the receptivity to socialist propaganda in the sectarian environment, and in general I wanted to talk about many things with the hero of the Kazan demonstration, with the popular "Georges"in the working environment.

Finally, my dream came true: in December 1877, Georgy Valentinovich Peskov came to our student commune, which was located in the house of Nikolaev, on 7th Street... On that first evening Georgy Valentinovich stayed up late and we talked about working among the people, and I conveyed my impressions, fresh from my recent stay in the country, of working among the Molokans, my close acquaintance with Dukhobor Shoemaker Fyodor, and expressed my doubts about the fruitfulness of socialist propaganda, and especially agitation among the Molokans, etc. Georgy Valentinovich did not agree with me, he spoke with deep faith and great conviction about the ideological receptivity of the people... ...The conversation with Georgy Valentinovich made a strong impression on me. My Centrist views were slightly shaken in the sense of introducing more activity, more revolutionary spirit into the work among the people. It is not necessary to talk to the people about vague spots, not to develop Laplace systems before them, 19 as the Lavrists do, [but] to conduct agitation on the basis of their government persecution. Georgy Valentinovich made a strong impression on me with the brilliance of his mind, wit and conviction.

Soon, in the month of March, the first strike began at the New Paper Mill on Obvodny Kanal 20 . This strike aroused the strongest sympathy and interest among our students... In the strike of the workers at the New Paper Mill, we all saw the protest of the humiliated and insulted against the powerful of this world, and the socialist-minded elements of the women's courses saw it as a step towards the realization of our goals.

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ideals. I, like some of my other colleagues, was very much interested in the working-class movement, ran around my acquaintances, and got money to help the strike workers. This was in the first months of 1878. At that time, we, female students and students in general, were caught up in another altruistic aspiration. We were striving for a living cause, [we wanted] to give it all our strength. The war for the liberation of the Slavic brothers was in full swing 21 . As early as the beginning of 1877, seized with a passionate desire to contribute to the movement that engulfed Russian society of all strata, up to and including students, a group of 20 to 30 people formed at our women's medical courses, who submitted an application to the head of the courses about our desire to go to the theater of military operations as paramedics or nurses. It took a number of months, and we didn't get a response. We were very worried about this seemingly inattentive attitude to our application. After finishing my final year of transition exams, I went to visit my parents in early July 1878, who were then living on my father's farm in the Odessa region, near the town of Ovidiopol. This place-the Dalnitsky farms - was located between the Black Sea, which was located at a distance of two or three versts from the farm, and the Dniester. When I went to visit my relatives in the Odessa region to wait for the time when I would receive a notification about leaving for the place of military operations, I turned to my revolutionary friends to find out if they had any assignments in the south and for recommendations. I received a recommendation from Alexander Mikhailov to Marusa Kovalevskaya 22, to Baron X23, to a well-known philanthropist, revolutionary writer, and editor-in-chief of Odessa News. The trial of Ivan Kovalsky, 24 a member of the southern rebel circle who had resisted armed resistance when the police came to search and arrest him , was expected. Baron X was the center around which the revolutionary youth of Odessa huddled. His beautiful mansion was given to the revolutionary party circle for a revolutionary purpose, and there was also a warehouse of weapons, revolutionary books, and proclamations. While visiting Odessa from the Dalnitsky farms, I got acquainted with the local revolutionary world, found old friends, the Ge sisters, and met Chubarov 25 and Davidenko 26 . My friends informed me about the upcoming demonstration in the square in front of the courthouse in case Kowalski was sentenced to death. I was in a state of anxious anticipation. But there was still a lot of time before the trial. A literary and musical evening with a revolutionary purpose was held in the mansion of Baron X. The main organizer was Marusya Kovalevskaya. Visitors of the evening were mainly young people. Here I met my fellow students from the Kherson gymnasium-the Ge sisters, the youngest son of the priest of the village of Ivanovka, a friend of my father and a friend of our family... I don't remember whether it was at this evening or later that I met the young revolutionary Chernyavskaya 27, who later played a major role in our revolutionary movement and went into political exile at the same time as us, that is, me and Georgy Valentinovich, Deutsch, Zasulich, and others. Here, in the evening, I was invited to visit a women's student community, where I met and had an interesting and long conversation with Cherniavskaya. She was a revolutionary with a mystical element, was strongly influenced by Dostoevsky, with whom she corresponded about the meaning of life, about truth, etc. I confess that I was struck by the revolutionary's fascination with the author of "The Writer's Diary" and "Demons", which we considered as an evil lampoon on revolutionaries. But this young seeker of truth made a great impression on me with her depth and sincerity.

Shortly after the evening at Baron X's, I set off for my home in the Dalnicki farms, where my assignment to the theater of operations was to take place. But the appointment was late. This gave me the opportunity to survive until the trial of Ivan Kovalsky. Marusya Kovalevskaya hoped that she would be able to get into the courtroom and take me there. At a certain hour, I went to pick her up at Baron X's mansion. They told me that she would be here very soon, and asked me to wait in the hall on the ground floor, which I recognized as a former buffet. I sat waiting for half an hour, and witnessed the arrival of a number of young men who went into the next room and came out armed-some with a gun, some with a revolver, some with brass knuckles. Even from where I was waiting for Marusya, through the open door, I could hear the words: "I need a revolver, "" I need a gun." I vividly remember being surprised by this scene-

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noah, who didn't seem safe enough, wasn't frivolous enough. And the young people who came out of the mysterious room looked like children who had been given a dangerous toy. That was my impression, even though I was still very young at the time: I was in my 20s. I found members of the southern organization bad conspirators. Therefore, I was very surprised by Marusia's words when we talked with her some time later, heading to the square, where the facade of the building where Kovalsky was being tried overlooked: "I don't have much confidence in the Northerners in terms of their secrecy, they come, get acquainted with like-minded people, make connections, write down addresses, do not destroy the latter, and then we pay off, the police arrest us." I did not like this remark very much, and I protested that our northern organizations, both of the Lavrists and the rebels, had major organizers and conspirators, and that the reproach I had heard from her mouth seemed unfair to me.

We came to the square. It was full of people, mostly young people who looked like students. The day was drawing to a close. Dusk was falling. Marusya, as far as I remember, started to push through the crowd, but I stayed and soon lost sight of her. I never saw her again. There is excitement in the crowd, waiting for the end of the trial and the verdict. We stood there for a long time. Darkness fell. Suddenly a young, familiar voice is heard, loudly, loudly, with excitement, this voice proclaims:: "Kowalski - the death penalty!" That voice and those words still ring in my ears, despite the sixty-five years that have passed. This terrible news was reported by my recent friend Chernyavskaya. The crowd was filled with indescribable excitement. There were shouts from different parts of the square: "Down with the court! Murderers! Down with autocracy!" The square was immediately at the mercy of the police, gendarmes, a scuffle and a fight broke out. The crowd, defending themselves, poured into the neighboring streets. A wave of people carried me and dragged me out into a courtyard. Someone in the crowd closed the gate. The crowd in the courtyard quieted down. From the square came the sound of gunfire and heart-rending moans. We stayed locked up for a long time - an hour and a half. Finally, someone unlocked the gate and the crowd dispersed. I went to my relatives Morgulis, where I always enjoyed hospitality during my brief stays in Odessa, my path went through Primorsky Boulevard. Walking along the boulevard, I saw a young Gukovskaya sitting on a bench, and a group of young people near her. Gukovskaya was talking passionately about something. As I drew level with the speaker and the group of high school students and students surrounding her, I saw among them the young men I had met at Baron X's soiree. Among them was the son of our friend, the priest, mentioned above. When I asked what they were doing here, I was told that they were coming from a demonstration, that they would probably be arrested, and yet they had weapons on them: revolvers and so on. It's a pity to give it all up. "You are not known here, you are not taking any risks. Can't you take these things with you?" I took the proffered weapon and told them to go home, which they did. When I arrived at the place where I was staying, I took my weapons to the cellar and hid them, went to my room, and without saying anything to my dear hosts, so as not to disturb them, went to my room. The next day, before I returned to the Dalnitsky farms, where my mother was probably worried, although she was far from thinking that I was present at the demonstration, I went to my friends in the student commune to find out if they were alive and well, if our dear and brave mother had returned Chernyavskaya Street. My friends ' apartment was on the ground floor, facing the street. When I approached the house and was about to enter the entrance, I noticed one of the residents of the commune. She informed me in a low whisper that I couldn't go to their apartment, that the police had come to them and left an ambush there. I left and went to the back yard, where the peasant I had arranged was waiting for me with a cart to go to the farm. On the way, I met Chubarov and Davidenko, whom I had met a few days before and who, especially the latter, impressed me as nice, dedicated people. "How nice that you and I, Rosalia Markovna, have met. We need to talk to you about an important matter and, not knowing your Odessa address, did not know how to meet you. We wanted to talk about Gukovskaya. We need to get her out of here. We are sure that the police are looking for her after the demonstration. She doesn't spend the night at home, but she'll probably get caught, and others will follow in her footsteps. Can you help us

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in this case? It is absolutely necessary that she disappears, leaves here." This girl must be saved, I told myself. I don't see any other suitable place besides the Dalnitsky farms. I gave them the detailed address of my place of residence, that is, my parents ' farm, pointed out the outhouse where she could find a cart, and asked her comrades not to say a word about her place of residence to anyone. Both Chubarov and Davidenko assured me that Gukovskaya, despite her youth, is very serious, understands what a conspiracy is. I couldn't wait for the young activist: I was already overdue for my return to my family. When I returned to the farm, I concealed my presence at the demonstration from my mother, so as not to disturb her, and asked her permission to take in the sister of my medical classmate on the farm. My parents were extremely hospitable, willingly received my companions, showed them cordiality, hospitality, and care...

...A few days later, she (Gukovskaya) appeared. In response to my greetings and the question of how she got there, she stunned me with a statement of a far from conspiratorial nature. First, on the way, she tried to promote the young peasant who brought her to the farm. "He made a great impression on me, and I promised to talk to him again," she told me... In addition, she had no money to pay the peasant for the journey made from Odessa to the farm, and in order not to be left in debt, she took out her silver watch and gave it to the peasant as payment for the journey. I, despite my young years, realized the imprudence of this behavior, and asked her to be more careful; not to go to the nearest village, where a nice young peasant lived, and generally remember that the Odessa police were looking for her... She agreed to this and promised to be careful. My guest and I read the authors that were beloved by the youth of that time: Chernyshevsky, Dobrolyubov. I soon became convinced that my new friend knew very little, had read very little. I tried to convince her that a revolutionary should be educated, read, get acquainted with historical events, study political economy and social sciences. At that time, I was a zealous lavristka and attached the utmost importance to the penetration of knowledge into the revolutionary environment. My friend listened to me with attention and decided to follow my advice: seriously work on your development... "I will go with you to St. Petersburg, enter a higher educational institution, maybe to the Bestuzhev courses, I will study. You are right: in order to teach others, you must first learn more yourself."

This lovely girl stayed quietly with us on the Dalnitsky farms until my departure. At the end of June, I received an order to leave for Romania, to the capital Bucharest, where I will be assigned a duty station. I was forced to leave my young friend. I had the idea to take her with me to Romania, and from there send her to Switzerland, where my best friend Teofilia Vasilyevna Pollak was being treated for lungs at the time. But to do this, I had to get a passport in someone else's name. This was easy to do at the time. Two years later, I went abroad with my relative's passport. But I was stopped by the disturbing time associated with the demonstration in front of the court after I. Kovalsky was sentenced to death. They were probably looking for her, and the photos had been sent to the borders, I thought, and I gave up the idea. Later, when I was in Romania, I learned from the letters of my sisters and later from their stories how carelessly my guest fell into the hands of the Odessa police... A few days after my departure, Gukovskaya told her sister that she must absolutely go to Odessa to see "Ganka" on urgent business, and that she would return to the farm as soon as she had completed her duty. Her sisters tried to dissuade her from this imprudent step, but there was nothing to be done about it. She threatened to leave on foot for Odessa. The nurse, convinced that no persuasion would help, took her to Odessa, drove her to the specified address, and then returned home.

A few days later, a young but determined friend of mine was arrested at the very "Ganka" that she had been striving for with all her heart during her stay on the farm... Later, on my return from Romania, I learned that Gukovskaya and other demonstrators in front of the court where Kowalski was sentenced had been on trial in this case, that the investigating authorities and judges had questioned our young guest, where she had been hiding for three weeks, promised her a reduced sentence if she revealed her place of refuge and she will give the names of the people who gave her shelter, but she said that she could not say this, and kept her temper until

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end of the trial. I was told that she behaved proudly, boldly, and with great tact at the trial. Due to her youth, Gukovskaya was sentenced to several years of exile. The tsarist government focused its anger on the parents of the young revolutionary. For the inability to raise their daughter in a "healthy" direction, the parents also paid with a link. The girl could not stand the horrors of exile and a few years later committed suicide: she fell ill with a mental illness...

But... let's return to the story of my travels. I met a group of medical school students on the border of Bessarabia and Romania, as I recall, in Galac. There were about six of us, among them I remember Markevich (in the future Vintskovskaya), Porozhnyakova, Konstantinovskaya, and others. At the border, the Romanian authorities met us with great cordiality, did not look at our passports, put us in a first-class car, and we arrived in the capital of Romania lively, very interested in the new country. This was our first trip to the West... We went to the Medical Department. The chief greeted us very kindly, telling us that our fresh, young forces were needed, as the medical staff was very tired and needed to rest after a long, hard work... and advised as soon as possible... go to our assigned locations. The chief pointed out to me the 147th hospital in the town of Buzeo, a two-hour train ride from Bucharest. My friend Porozhnyakova got a hospital in Ploiesti, etc.

I stayed in Buseo for two months, worked almost tirelessly, performed my duties as a doctor to the best of my ability, the patients were satisfied with me, but I did not get the satisfaction I expected; I would have been more satisfied if I had gone to the theater of operations as I had dreamed, giving myself up to the risk Sacrifice, that's what I've been dreaming about...

(The ending follows.)

notes

1 Russia's first social-revolutionary demonstration in front of the Kazan Cathedral in St. Petersburg on December 6, 1876. Several hundred Narodniks and their associated workers took part in it. G. V. Plekhanov delivered a speech to the audience. In it, he called for the overthrow of the tsarist autocracy and proclaimed the slogan "Land and freedom for the peasant and the worker!". Many demonstrators were arrested, and Plekhanov, who managed to escape from the police, went into an illegal position.

2 The Kornilovs Alexandra Ivanovna (born in 1853, died after 1938), Vera Ivanovna (1848-1873), and Lyubov Ivanovna ( 1852-1892) were members of the revolutionary narodism movement. V. I. and L. I. Kornilov-members of the circle of "Chaikovites"; were active members of the" Red Cross " to help political prisoners.

3 Taxi Anton Feliksovich (born in 1852, date of death unknown to us) - a prominent St. Petersburg terrorist, since 1874 he lived in an illegal position, organized the escape from prison of two comrades, and conducted revolutionary propaganda among the workers of St. Petersburg. Since 1875, he lived abroad, where he participated in the publication of the magazine "Forward". In 1877 and 1879, he came to Russia illegally. In 1881-1883 he lived again in Paris, then returned to Russia.

4 Semyonovsky (Semyanovsky) Alexander Stepanovich (born about 1854, died after 1930) - a revolutionary populist, conducted propaganda among St. Petersburg students and in the Ukraine, in 1876-1879.lived in St. Petersburg under special police supervision, continuing his revolutionary activities. In 1879, he was arrested and exiled.

5 Teofilia Vasilyevna Pollyak (1855-1882), in 1878-1879 she was attached to landowners ' circles, in 1879 she was secretly supervised

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She was briefly arrested at the end of 1880, but soon emigrated. She lived in Paris and Geneva in the Plekhanov family.

6 Ginsburg (Ginsburg) Lev Savelyevich (1851-1918) - one of the prominent St. Petersburg Lavrists, was a member of the Narodniks ' circle, who held the most moderate views.

7 "The trial of the 193's" - the largest political trial in tsarist Russia over the participants of "going to the people".

8 Myshkin Ippolit Nikitich (1848-1885) - revolutionary narodnik. In 1874, he tried to organize the release of N. G. Chernyshevsky from Siberian exile, but was arrested. One of the main defendants in the "trial of 193's". He was sentenced to hard labor, tried to escape from the Karian penal servitude and was transferred to the Shlisselburg fortress. He was shot for protesting against the heavy prison regime.

9 Korba Anna Pavlovna (1849-1939) - a revolutionary narodnik, was close to the landowners, since 1879-agent of the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya. She participated in the preparation of attempts on the life of Alexander II and in setting up an illegal printing house. She mainly conducted propaganda in military and student circles. In 1882, she was arrested and sentenced to 20 years of hard labor.

10 We are talking about the first wife of G. V. Plekhanov, Natalia Alexandrovna Smirnova (1852-1922), a member of the narodnik movement.

11 Sofya Pavlovna Chudnovskaya was a member of narodnik circles in 1874-1875 and was under the secret supervision of the police.

12 The Molokans were a Christian sect that criticized the dogmas and practices of the dominant church. The worldview of the Molokans was characterized by social protest, for which they were subjected to government repression. Among the Molokans, there was a strong class stratification.

13 Doukhobors - a Christian sect that denied church rites, considering faith a matter of inner conviction. The Doukhobors did not submit to the authorities, their utopian social ideal is communes living on the basis of equality in labor and distribution. In practice, the leaders of the Doukhobor communities exploited the majority of their co-religionists. At the end of the 19th century, 8,000 Doukhobors moved to Canada.

14 V. V. Bervi-Flerovsky's books " The Situation of the working Class in Russia "and" The ABC of Social Sciences " in the 70s of the XIX century had a great influence on the development of the democratic and revolutionary movement in Russia. K. Marx gave a high assessment of the first book (see K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch. Vol. 16, pp. 427-428).

15 Cafiero-Kutuzova Olimpiada Evgrafovna (1843, date of death unknown to us) - revolutionary narodnik, from the nobles of the Tver province, wife of the Italian Bakuninist revolutionary C. Cafiero. In 1875-1877, she lived among Russian peasants as a teacher and assistant doctor and conducted revolutionary propaganda among them. In 1877, she was arrested, but released a few months later. In the spring of 1878, she traveled to the Middle Volga region and conducted revolutionary propaganda. In 1879, she was expelled from Russia, but in 1881, she returned illegally. Soon she was arrested again and sent into exile in Siberia, from where she fled to Switzerland in 1883.

16 Vera Nikolaevna Figner (1852-1942) - an outstanding figure in the narodnik movement, was close to landowners, participated in village settlements, and was a member of the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya. In 1883, she was arrested for participating in an assassination attempt on the tsar and sentenced to death, commuted to indefinite hard labor.

17 N. G. Chernyshevsky's novel "Prologue" was written by him in Siberian exile. The first part of it - "Prologue to Prologue" - was published in 1877 in London by the publishing house "Vperyod" and secretly sent to Russia.

18 Alexander Dmitrievich Mikhailov (1855-1884) - an outstanding figure of the narodnik movement, one of the founders of Zemlya I Volya . In 1877, in the Saratov province, he conducted propaganda among the Old Believers. In 1878, he returned to St. Petersburg, where he was in charge of all the organizational affairs of Zemlya I Volya and later Narodnaya Volya. Underground nickname - "Janitor". In 1880, he was arrested and sentenced to death, commuted to indefinite hard labor. He died in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

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19 p. - S. Laplace (1749-1827) - an outstanding French astronomer, mathematician and physicist, philosophical views sided with the materialists.

20 The strike of 2,000 workers at the New Paper-spinning and Weaving Factory in St. Petersburg along the Obvodny Canal (now the Pyotr Anisimov Factory) took place from February 27 to March 20, 1878. The workers protested against lower prices, fines and harsh treatment of the administration. Plekhanov conducted propaganda among them, was arrested, but released, because he showed a forged passport in the name of Alexander Sergeevich Maksimov-Druzhbin. Almost all the economic demands of the workers were met. Plekhanov published unsigned correspondence in the newspaper Novosti about this strike (see G. V. Plekhanov, Soch. Vol. 3, appendices).

21 The Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878 was caused by international contradictions in the Middle East and the rise of the national liberation movement in the Balkans. Russian soldiers showed massive heroism, and the progressive circles of Russia strongly supported this war, which objectively contributed to the liberation of the Balkan peoples from the Turkish yoke.

22 Maria P. Kovalevskaya (1849-1889) - a leader of the revolutionary populism, in 1874 she was a member of the Odessa revolutionary circle, and in 1875-1876 - in the Kiev circle of rebels. According to the verdict of the "trial of 193", she was administratively sent to Kharkiv under police supervision. She acted in Ukraine on forged documents, and was an active member of the Kiev circle of V. I. Putin. Osinsky, who had the name "Social Revolutionary Party". In January 1879, she was arrested and sentenced to hard labor for 14 years and 10 months. In 1889, as a protest against the torture of a political prisoner, N. Sigida was poisoned and died in the Kary prison.

23 Baron X is the pseudonym of publicist Semyon Titovich Gerzo-Vinogradsky. The newspaper "Odessa News" was published only in 1884. Perhaps, R. M., Plekhanova is referring to the newspaper Odessky Vestnik. However, S. T. Gerzo-Vinogradsky did not hold any post in any of the editorial offices of these newspapers.

24 Ivan Martinovich Kovalsky (1850-1878) - a prominent figure of the revolutionary populism, was involved in the "process of the 193's", led a circle in Odessa. In January 1878, when arrested, he showed armed resistance, was sentenced to death, and on August 2, 1878, was shot.

25 Sergey Fyodorovich Chubarov (circa 1845-1879), a revolutionary narodnik, was a member of the narodnik circles of Kiev and Odessa. At his apartment, a decision was made to hold an armed demonstration in Odessa during the trial of I. Kovalsky. He was arrested in August 1878 and offered armed resistance, for which he was hanged by the authorities in August 1879.

26 Iosif Yakovlevich Davidenko (circa 1856-1879) was a member of narodnik circles and participated, together with L. Deitch, Y. Stefanovich, S. Chubarov and others, in the "Chigirinsky plot" - an attempt to raise an uprising of peasants using forged royal letters. He was arrested in Odessa in July 1878 and executed in August 1879.

27 Chernyavskaya Galina Fyodorovna (date of birth unknown, died after 1923) - a figure of the "People's Will", in the 80s emigrated abroad with her husband I. V. Bokhanovsky, lived first in Paris, and then in Switzerland. In the 80s, she maintained close relations with the leaders of the group "Liberation of Labor".

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