Galina Zelenina

A Portrait on the Wall and Sprat on the Bread: Moscow Jews between the Two "Sects"

Galina Zelenina - Center for Biblical and Jewish Studies, Russian State University for the Humanities (Moscow). galinazelenina@gmail.com

The article examines Jewish religious spectrum in Moscow, which in the main can be extrapolated to all of Russia. Special attention is given to the two extremes of the spectrum - ultraorthodox Chabad Lubavitch and Reform, or Progressive, movements. Based on published sources as well as interviews with people from various groups of Moscow Jewry, the research analyzes key strategies of community building and self-representation of Chabad and Progressive Judaism, on the one hand, and the reception of these strategies and related practices, on the other. The study of these data allows to explicate the rapid and seemingly comprehensive success of Chabad as opposed to the failure of Reform Judaism in post-Soviet Russia, as well as some other alternatives in religious behavior of Moscow Jews including either the establishment of small communities or sticking to the Orthodox Choral synagogue albeit without regular attendance.

Keywords: Judaism, Russian Jewry, Moscow, synagogue, Ha-sidic Judaism, Chabad Lubavitch, Reform Judaism.

The study was supported by the Russian Science Foundation, grant 15 - 18 - 00143 "Problems of interethnic contacts and interactions in the texts of oral and written culture: Slavs and Jews".

Zelenina G. Portrait on the wall and sprats on bread: Moscow Jews between two "sects" / / State, religion, Church in Russia and abroad. 2015. N 3 (33). pp. 121-169.

Zelenina, Galina (2015) "A Portrait on the Wall and Sprat on the Bread: Moscow Jews between the Two 'Sects'", Gosudarstuo. religiia, tserkou' v Rossii i za rubezhom 33(3): 121 - 169.

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The EPIGRAPH to this article is a story about three episodes that occurred in the summer of 1994 - the year when the seventh and last Lubavitcher rebbe, the leader of Chabad Hasidism, died, and the year from which my "included observation" of Russian Chabad begins, which has been going on - with varying degrees of intensity-for two decades.

The Olympic Sports Complex hosts a free concert organized by the Jews for Jesus movement. Moscow Jews, among others, or even mostly, go to the concert, and on the way from the metro station to Olimpiysky, Chabad yeshibotniki, directed by their prudent leadership, distribute advertisements of Chabad programs, including summer camps and seminars, to citizens.

A month later, I find myself at such a seminar in the Moscow region. By this time, the rebbe has already died, there is a lot of talk about him, there is a lot of crying for him, songs are sung about him, videos are shown with him, etc. I ask one of the leaders of this seminar, the daughter of a well-known Soviet religious refusenik and then a rabbi of a Moscow synagogue, whether the rebbe was the leader of all world religious Jewry, and whether it recognized him as such. She says yes.

The girls who came to this seminar were completely random, without any initial predisposition to Judaism and practically without knowledge of it, some were Orthodox and, of course, did not see any contradiction between their religious affiliation and nationality, and one girl was a member of the organization "Jehovah's Witnesses" and behaved in full accordance with the accepted adherents of this movement She was a very active model of behavior-she polemicized with the Chabad rav, read the New Testament and preached it to her neighbors. And after a couple of days, while the whole group was absent from the residential building, the" witness " was expelled from the camp: they packed her a suitcase, sent the gospels there, and sent her with this suitcase to the bus stop.

These three " anecdotes "actually demonstrate several central ideas and practices of Lubavitcher Hasidism, whose" career " in post - Soviet Russia will be the main subject of further discussion, along with its ideological counterpart, reformism, and some variants of independent and creative religious behavior. These central features are the essence of:

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the attitude towards active missionary activity; the claim to the role of the elite of all Judaism; the conviction that the seventh Lubavitcher rebbe is the head of the generation and the spiritual mentor of all Jews, whether they know it or not; and the characteristic characteristic of Chabad in the post - Soviet space at that time: playing on the sectarian field, rivalry with other sects.

Several features of Chabad worked on the image of the sect. One of them is Messianism, insistent even under the penultimate two tsadiks of the Schneerson dynasty and open and central to the ideology of the movement under the last, seventh rebbe-Menachem Mendel Schneerson, who declared that the Messiah is already present in the world, that only the Jews-their fulfillment of the commandments and the involvement of others in this - depends on his " discovery", realization as the Messiah. Lubavitcher Messianism continued even after the death of Menachem Mendel, when a significant part of the Hasidim - the so-called Mashitts-continued to believe that their rebbe was the Messiah and that he did not die, but hid himself and would still appear in his true Messianic guise. Mashihism has caused the greatest criticism or ridicule of people who are not involved in Chabad, but are involved in Jewry and believe that the rebbe's cult violates the commandment not to create an idol. Another feature associated with Messianic expectations is missionary activity, sometimes quite aggressive, including intensive introduction of children to the ideology and practices of Chabad. The special attitude towards the rebbe and the belief in active divine participation in everyday life gave rise to a discourse about miracles coming-directly or indirectly (through letters, dollars, books of speeches, etc.) - from the Rebbe, a belief in the truth of his predictions and an absolute willingness to follow his advice, instructions and instructions without question. The idea of obedience was reflected in Chabad's militaristic rhetoric of the 1990s. Take, for example, the 1994 children's prayer book:

Dear children, The Lubavitcher Rebbe, Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson, announced the" mobilization " of Tzivot Hashem and called all children into this army. This is a special army! You children are its soldiers and officers, and the Commander - in-Chief is God!.. Like any army, the army of the Almighty has its own form. ... Attention!!! Be equal!!! Attention!"!! There is a pile!!! Tzitzit out!!! Forward, march!!!1

1. Our books. New York, 1994. pp. 1, 4. The same rhetoric is found in other Chabad sources, cf., for example, the Lubavitcher Rebbe's speech in Russian

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Later in the same booklet, remakes of war songs follow: "We are campers of Admura 2, and about us/ The whole world is leading the story. / That on beautiful days / We teach the clear Torah / And we perform all mitzvots3, probably designed to appeal to the pioneering experience of the public.

Another characteristic that serves as a target for criticism is the inheritance of Lurian Kabbalah and the use of Kabbalistic language peculiar to Hasidism in general and Chabad in particular, which provoked observers to talk about the esoteric nature of Lubavitcher teachings and claims to possess the secrets of the world.

Due to the combination of these features, the Lubavitcher Hasidim were sometimes regarded as a totalitarian sect - kabbalistic, fanatical, nationalistic, mafia, etc. - not only by the anti-Semitic press, but also by a part of the Jewish community. 4

How did Chabad go from being an ultra-orthodox "sect" to becoming the mainstream, the main and seemingly only Jewish movement in the post-Soviet space with 170 (according to their own calculations) communities in Russia? We will not be interested in the logistical and political side of the matter - the enrichment due to attracting a major sponsor (Levi Levaeva, since 1993) and the alliance with the state authorities due to successful competition with other structures are reconstructed based on media publications and described in a number of review articles. 5 We'll take a look

in English: "... every Jewish boy and every Jewish girl [... they make up the army of God, and therefore they are under the command of the commander-in-chief, who is God, who gave us his instructions in his holy Torah on how to defeat Yetzer-inappropriate behavior and desires " [https:// youtu.be/5HseGZIUKmg, accessed from 17.09.2015].

2. Abbreviation from: Adoneinu, moreinu ve-rabbeinu (Hebrew; our lord, our teacher, our rebbe) - the title of a Hasidic leader.

3. Our books, p. 68.

4. "Chabad is a Jewish sect built on the clan principle, headed by the" godfather "- the Lubavitcher Rebbe " [http://maks-markoff.livejournal.com/2631.html, accessed from 17.09.2015)]; Chabad-a Judeo-Nazi ultra-Orthodox sect [http://via-midgard.info/news/article/572-ostorozhno-xabad.html, accessed 17.09.2015]; Members of the Chabad sect are adherents of Kabbalah (mystical teaching in Judaism) and possess its secrets at a professional level [http://dokumentika.org/religiozno-natsionalniy-sionizm/chabad-iudeo-natsistskaya-ultraortod oksana-sekta-izvestnaya-kak-dvizhenie-chabad-liubavich, accessed 17.09.2015] and more. etc.

5. See Charny S. Russian Jewish community: current situation // Jews of Eurasia. N 1. 2002 [http://library.eajc.org/page66/news12005, accessed from 17.09.2015];

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on the key ideologies and strategies of Chabad and the reaction of the Jewish population to them, with its "insecure religiosity" that has persisted since the 1990s, to paraphrase Zvi Gitelman, who wrote about "insecure ethnicity"6. As noted in relation to modern Russian religious studies in general, the analysis of the" political " side noticeably prevails over the study of ideas, attitudes and practices, 7 and we are just interested in the second - to use the term of P. Bourdieu, the habit of some Jewish communities in Moscow and those Jews who are not indifferent to Judaism, who do not belong to any of them in principle they are adjacent. Who does Chabad represent and does this set coincide with or exceed subsets of Chabad synagogue communities? Who is dissociating themselves from this camp and why? Who is the community at the opposite end of the religious spectrum-the community of reform Judaism, and why is it inferior to the Ultra-Orthodox in size, influence, and media presence? The Jewish press of the Perestroika period, the time of national revival and religious freedoms that continued during the Putin era, 8 has repeatedly predicted the success of reform (progressive) Judaism9 in the post-Soviet space, seeing Reformism, a "lite" Judaism that is extremely popular in the United States

Charny S. Judaizm na prostorakh CIS [Judaism in the CIS] / / Evroaziatskiy evreyskiy yezhegodnik, 5766 (2005/2006), pp. 71-93.

6. Gitelman, Z. (2012) Jewish Identities in Postcommunist Russia and Ukraine: An Uncertain Ethnicity. Cambridge University Press.

7. "...The analysis of institutions and norms, as well as their legal regulation and political implications, prevails, but they lack living, concrete, direct material, the study of living religion, religion vector " (Aghajanyan A., Rousselet K. How and why to study modern religious practices? // Religious practices in modern Russia / Ed. by K. Russele, A. Agadzhanyan. Moscow: New Publishing House, 2006. p. i).

8. On freedom of conscience as a marker of democracy and a fetish of human rights defenders, as well as on religious freedom in Putin's Russia, see: Knox, Z. (2008) "Religious Freedom in Russia: The Putin Years", in M.D. Steinberg and C. Wanner (eds) Religion, Morality, and Community in Post-Soviet Societies, pp. 281 - 314. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

9. "Progressive" is not an evaluative epithet, as one might think, but a self-definition of the movement around the world (World Union for Progressive Judaism, http://wupj.org/) and in the former USSR (for example: the Community of Progressive Judaism "Le-dor Va-dor", http://ledorvador.ru/). The World Union of Progressive Judaism, founded in 1926, united reform, liberal, progressive and reconstructionist movements.

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and Europe 10, the most convenient option for assimilated domestic Jews who are unaccustomed to orthodoxy, or indeed any religious practice in general 11. Why, in fact, did the progressive movement develop rather sluggishly (in 1989, the first congregation appeared in Moscow, in 1991-in Kiev, now-several dozen congregations in Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus 12) and earned the status not of a dominant Russian Jewish denomination, but of a" sect " of American origin? And finally, who prefers not to associate themselves with any congregation and celebrates the Passover Seder at home, and on autumn holidays - alone 13 - goes to the orthodox choral synagogue "on the Hill" 14, and who is from this category and why is he trying to create his own chamber community?

Let's make a reservation that not only the political side of the issue remains outside the scope of the following narrative, but also many Jewish religious structures and communities; then we discuss ultra-orthodox Chabad (mainly the main Maryinoroshchinsky community in Moscow), reformism, and some other issues.

10. The World Union for Progressive Judaism is the largest Jewish religious organization in the world; the reform movement is the most popular movement among American Jews - 35% call themselves reformists, 18% conservatives, and 10% Orthodox (A Portrait of Jewish Americans: Findings from a Pew Research Center Survey of U.S. Jews, http://ejewishphilanthropy. соm/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/jewish-american-survey-full-report.pdf, доступ от 25.09.2015).

11. " When the Soviet system collapsed and the free development of various religions became possible, it seemed to many that the main place in the post-Soviet space would be occupied by so-called progressive Judaism, otherwise called reform. "For" this was also indicated by the fact that the former Soviet Jews were mostly secular people and for the most part had very little understanding of halakha. In addition, modern forms of worship were supposed to attract young people" (Charny S. Judaism in the CIS).

12. See the list of congregations in the former USSR on the movement's website: http://www.wupj.org/ Congregations/FSU. asp (accessed from 25.09.2015).

13. "We were just at Arkhipov on Yom Kippur. It looks like a synagogue without a congregation, and the congregation is single. Well, there are couples, there are small companies, there are not so many families. Judging by the synthetic white bales, most of the parishioners are "festive", obviously there are not so many observant parishioners. In general, the synagogue is for us, for renegades" (Maria E., born in 1975, Moscow. Author's archive).

14. Folk name of the choral synagogue in Spasoglinishchevsky Lane (in Soviet times - Arkhipova Street). The change in the sub-ethnic composition of the congregation of the choral synagogue in the 1990s, its transformation into a synagogue of Mountain Jews with an Ashkenazi rabbinate, is well described in the book: Goluboff, S. L. (2012) Jewish Russians: Upheavals in a Moscow Synagogue. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012.

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variants of religious behavior between them, but neither the institutional history of Orthodox KEROOR15, nor the sociology of various yeshivas, nor the problem of the yawning absence of conservative Judaism in the post-Soviet space are affected. The second necessary caveat concerns the amount of data involved and the associated status of conclusions: although the study is based on a variety of relevant published sources and interviews with several groups of informants (including older Jews, pre - and post-war years of birth, members of the Reform and Chabad communities, occasional parishioners of the Chabad community center, and Jewish intellectuals who do not associate themselves with either In other words, it is intended to present a fairly polyphonic picture, but the number of sources/informants in each category is small, and therefore the conclusions of this work - about the reasons for the success or failure of both movements and the identification of post - Soviet Jews with each of them-are proposed to be considered preliminary.

"I don't know what "orthodox" is-normal": background

In studying the religious situation in post-Soviet Russia, it is necessary to take into account the break in tradition caused by the Soviet atheist policy. The secularity of the absolute majority of the Jewish population at the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union gave rise to the expectation of success of reformism. However, in the absence of religious practices and religious self-identification, these secular Soviet Jews still retained one or another attitude towards Judaism and its denominations, which in the era of the post-perestroika Jewish renaissance was able to be realized in actions or at least in rhetoric. Based on a large archive of biographical interviews with Jews mostly born in the pre-war years of 16, we will try to formulate the features of this attitude, inherited by at least some representatives of the next generations.

15. Congress of Jewish Religious Organizations and Associations of Russia.

16. Collections "Witnesses of the Jewish Age", "Jewish destinies of Ukraine" and "Gitelman Project" in the archive of the Kiev Institute of Judaics (hereinafter AI). I thank L. K. Finberg for access to these collections.

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Of the approximately six hundred interviews conducted with elderly post-Soviet Jews in the second half of the 1990s and the first half of the 2000s, when both Chabad and reform communities already existed in various cities of the CIS, reformism is mentioned in twelve; it should be borne in mind, of course, that informants usually do not specifically mention the denominations of Judaism. they asked. They mention reformists: (1) children of older informants who are more involved in modern Jewish life, sometimes they are activists of the reform community themselves; (2) emigrants (primarily in the United States) or informants who have relatives abroad (a daughter and granddaughter live in Germany, go to the reform community, wear a tallit, and have frau rabiner); (3) professionals (a tour guide to Jewish Lviv, a publicist who writes for Jewish publications, a professor of Jewish studies, etc.).

It should be noted that in the genetic memory of Soviet Jews there were authentic historical correlates of imported progressive Judaism - in the XIX century, both in the cities of the Russian Empire and in the territories that later became part of the USSR, there were reformist synagogues, but in the living memory they were preserved only among residents of regions that were annexed already before the Great Patriotic War, among the Chernivtsi Jews who recall the great Reform synagogue (Temple) - "it was a reform synagogue, very beautiful, where, the Pope said, when there was a holiday, diamonds blinded the eyes" 17-and its parishioners-wealthy and poorly observed assimilants, devoted to German culture:"...even on holidays, Jews came, rich Jews came there, for holidays, to pray, on a phaeton, you can't go on holidays", "it seems that there was a little "German" city here, [ ... ] near Austria-Hungary, all that, and in Germany and Austria this reformism began long ago [... people tried to - well, culture, Austria, here's the same Viennese waltz this "18," they considered themselves Germans of the Jewish faith", " they spoke German [...] and when they spoke Yiddish, they misrepresented it in some way, thinking that they were speaking German. " 19 This pre-war reformism correlates with modern times.-

17. Shteynberg Itta Zikfridovna, born in 1948, zap. in 2007, Chernivtsi, CBI archive.

18. Bukchin David (Shulem-Duvid) Aronovich, zap. in 2007, Chernivtsi, archive of the Center for Biblical Studies and Judaics of the RSUH (hereinafter-CBI). I thank M. M. Kaspin for his access to the archive.

19. Shaya Davidovich Kleiman, zap. in 2007, Chernivtsi, CBI archive.

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"they probably belonged not to the Orthodox, but to this, now it is called progressive Judaism, these reformists" 20.

But Chernovtsy is rather an exception, informants from other cities, as a rule, do not name any denominations themselves, and if interviewers sometimes mention reformism by the way or specifically ask about it, they show ignorance of the subject, as in the following rather revealing dialogue:

- Do you remember if it was an Orthodox synagogue? Weren't the reformists in Cherkasy then?

"What do you mean?".. I do not know what "orthodox" means, but normal. We prayed there, and that's all 21.

Soviet Jews, even those with a traditional shtetl background, have little or no understanding of Jewish traditions, taking a more binary approach: kosher / non - kosher, observant / non-observant-and knowing well the one-way movement between these poles (which can be defined as "degrading intermediateness"), but not the conceptual stops along the way. The same situation of non-discrimination, as surveys show, is also typical for representatives of the following generations, even those who have become more or less involved in religious practice: "young people, having become Jews, do not clearly identify themselves with a particular trend in Judaism" 22.

Lubavitcher Hasidim are mentioned twice as often in the same six hundred interviews, which, in general, also confirms the thesis of ignorance and lack of interest in denominational differences among Soviet Jews (with the exception of emigrants, "professional Jews" and actually parishioners of a particular synagogue). In particular, the opinion is expressed about Chabad as an "aggressive denomination" that does not support anyone but its own people.-

20. Shaya Davidovich Kleiman, zap. in 2007, Chernivtsi, CBI archive.

21. Kolchinsky Grigory Yakovlevich, born in 1922, Cherkassy; zap. in 2000, Kiev. The AI archive.

22. Nosenko-Stein E. E. " Tell this to your children, and their children to the next generation." Cultural memory of Russian Jews in our days, Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2013, p. 101.

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23 does not recognize religious Jews, and their usurping policy, coupled with their orientation towards money and general lack of culture, is criticized:

The Hasidim we have, no matter what they do, they don't finish anything. They like to take what doesn't belong to them. When they arrived, they tried to take over an Orthodox synagogue. [ ... ] And the Hasidim throughout the Union have the same tactics, they conduct an aggressive policy. Conflicts arise with them everywhere. Several Hasidic rabbis in the Far East were exiled. They interfere in politics, etc. It's the same here. All the riffraff, all the pseudo-business, went to them, stopped going there, because there is money here. [ ... ] And the Hasidim, apart from the tradition, are still ignorant. Where you can earn money, do not miss the moment 24.

The aggressive expansion and mashihism of the Lubavitcher Hasidim also alarmed representatives of the younger generation - those who in the 1990s were already somewhat involved in Jewish religious life and managed to see interventionists in Chabad:

I go to the Slide. A friend brought me there when I was still at the institute, in the 1990s, and I still go there. They sing well there, boring, boring, long, for this I love them. [ ... ] And then I was once on Passover, it was Hillel, youth, free-form. That's not it. And I have a slight prejudice against Chabad. I remember all these shows very well - in the ninety-first year. I remember how they used to come to Arkhipov, arrange dances in front of the synagogue entrance and invite me to Mary's Grove. They traveled around Moscow with their mobile synagogues. They are not exactly a sect, but there is an element of sectarianism. The rebbe's cult is a bit confusing - I don't really like such things. Grandfather Lenin is hanged. Why do we need Grandpa Lenin? He's the same person. Moreover, when I communicate with individual people, everything is normal, normal people, but in general, from a conceptual point of view, this is not the same 25.

23. Dmitry, born in 1953 in Kiev. The AI archive.

24. Mykhailo Borisovich Arianson, born in 1953, Chernivtsi; zap. in 2009, Chernivtsi. CBI archive.

25. Grigory S, born in 1972, Moscow. Author's archive.

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Disdain for denominational differences, lack of interest in the "new" options of Chabad and reformism, and traditional adherence to an Orthodox synagogue are characteristic of representatives of different generations:

I believe that my synagogue is on Arkhipov Street. And because I've been going there for a long time - since I was a child: my parents were party members, so they sent me to get matzah. [... Maryina Roscha is not mine, Chabad is not mine. I think it's like the Societas Jesu, the Jesuit order. Order, yes, sect 26.

I haven't been here [in the choral synagogue] for 5 years or more, but if I do, it's here. This is an old synagogue [ ... ] unlike MEOTs 27. Everything is traditional here. I like it to be traditional. I visited the reformists once, but it wasn't the right place.

Regardless of the actual practice ("I haven't been here for 5 years or more"), due to the habit of people of different ages who have managed to form this habit, a non-Hasidic Orthodox synagogue remains a "normal" one. Chabad and reformism are not welcome for several reasons, of which both share a common novelty.

"Getting Up from your Knees" in Maryina Roscha: the main strategies for constructing a community and self-representation of Chabad in Russia

Modern Russian Chabad is not as autochthonous and native as it wants to appear, but it is also not as new and imported as it seems to some parishioners of the choral synagogue and other critical observers. Despite the emigration in 1927 of the movement's leader, the sixth Lubavitcher Rebbe Yosef-Yitzhak Schneerson and his inner circle, and the significant emigration of Hasidim from Lviv in 1946 under the guise of Polish citizens, despite the consistent repression of Chabad communities in various cities of the Union (in Moscow, the Moscow region, Leningrad, Samarkand, Riga, Kiev, Odessa Dnepropetrovsk, etc.) both before and after the war, these communities with-

26. Y., born in 1945, Moscow. Author's archive.

27. Chabad Moscow Jewish Community Center.

28. Margarita K., born in 1975, Moscow. Author's archive.

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they were kept until perestroika, when they were significantly thinned out due to permitted emigration and were replenished - or absorbed - by "new" Chabad members: 29 shaliachs from America and Israel and Baalei. As a rule, Chabad members behaved very cautiously, and their community life was carefully concealed; the main sources for the history of Hasidism in the Soviet period are reports from state security officials and investigative files, 31 and oral history materials.32 According to one opinion, the Lubavitcher Hasidim were the main guardians of Judaism in the Union - there were no other truly religious communities, and official synagogues did not count.33 One way or another, the Hasidic community, for example, in Moscow, at the Maryina Roscha synagogue, survived until the end of the 1980s, when it was transformed by new forces, a new generation of Chabad 34. The renewed movement began to rapidly institutionalize and in the 1990s - 2000s to make great progress: the Chabad Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS, then - Russia (hereinafter-FEOR) considers itself and is considered35 the main and largest network of Jewish communities, Chabad Rabbi Berl Lazar was elected chief rabbi of Russia, and this institution and this figure considered it their right and duty to speak on behalf of Russian Jewry, that is, in their own view, as well as in the view of the Russian authorities and some parts of both non-Jewish and Jewish society, they headed his.

29. Messengers of the Rebbe-Hasidim, blessed by the rebbe for community activities in any part of the world.

30. Jews from secular families who independently "returned" to Judaism.

31. See: Osipova I. I. Khasidy: "Spasaya narod svoi..." Istoriya chasidskogo podpolya v gody bolshevikskogo terrora [Hasidy: "Spasaya narod svoi ..." The history of the Hasidic underground in the Years of Bolshevik Terror], Moscow: Formika-S, 2002.

32. See: Soldiers at the crossing. Memoirs of Chabad Hasidim, collected and literarily processed by D. Shekhter. Moscow: Knizhniki Publ., 2014.

33. "I think that even in the 1970s, if a person came to a religious circle, he would have come to the Chabad people, because there were no others. In Moscow, you could find someone else, but in Leningrad, Riga, Odessa, and Kiev-only Chabad people" (Interview with Borukh Gorin, head of the Public Relations Department of FEOR, editor-in-chief of the Lekhayim magazine and the Knizhniki publishing house. 2015. Author's archive).

34. "And the result was a synthesis of the seventh generation of Lubavitcher Hasidim, Shaliachs from America, with the sixth generation, with people who had never seen the seventh Lubavitcher rebbe, who lived in a completely different dimension" (Ibid.).

35. Not all of them; in particular, the main (ex-)competitor of FEORA, KEROOR, does not agree with this.

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The established explanation for this success includes two factors: generous sponsorship and a "symphony" with the authorities. Let's start with a critical view that is particularly characteristic of reformists, who, unlike the "silent majority" who indifferently accepted the changes in the Jewish Olympus, reflect on this topic and, unlike the Hasidim themselves, do not consider the success of Chabad natural and God-given.

Reform Rabbi Grigory Kotlyar compares the resources and strategies of the FEOR and the reform movement, emphasizing these two points and portraying Russian Lubavitcher Hasidim as rich and "pocket-sized" Jews:

For a long time, he [Lazar] worked in Maryina Roscha, not showing himself in any special way. Two factors contributed to Lazar's rise. The first was his rapprochement with the largest Israeli businessman and philanthropist Levi Levaev. [...] He also brought other major sponsors there. [ ... ] The second factor that contributed to the rise of FEOR and Lazar was the fall of Gusinsky and the foundation he created. [ ... ] Goldschmidt 36, while outside of Russia, repeatedly stated that the persecution of the Russian government was a direct result of the persecution of the Russian government. Gusinsky is a manifestation of state anti-Semitism. In this situation, the authorities urgently needed loyal Jews to demonstrate to the whole world that Gusinsky's problems have no national overtones. At the right moment, Hasidim appear on the scene. As a result, Putin arrives at the opening of a community center in Maryina Roscha. The image of the Russian president shaking hands with a bearded Jew in a black hat and lapserdak is broadcast by all TV companies around the world. The Kremlin is getting rid of accusations of anti-Semitism and acquiring pocket Jews. Lazar and Levaev are gaining political influence and connections in the highest echelons of power. Everyone is happy. The beginning of a great friendship. Over the past five years, FEOR has grown into the largest and richest Jewish organization, claiming the right to represent all Russian Jews both before the Russian authorities and in the international arena... Russian reformists did not have the ability or desire to use the methods of work adopted in the new Russia, so they could not become a real alternative to Chabad. However, given that the budget of Russian reformists is no more than 1-2 percent of the budget of FEOR and yet in the Russian Federation-
36. Pinchas Goldschmidt-rabbi of the choral Synagogue.

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There are about 40 reformist communities in this region, [... it can be said that the ideas of reformism, which allow one to be a Jew without abandoning one's native culture and habitual way of life, are very attractive among Russian Jews... So if Russian reformists had had their own Levaev, perhaps the map of Jewish Russia would have looked different.37
Another reform rabbi notes the same circumstances, but through the prism of public perception, explaining not why the president needed a rabbi, but why people were attracted to FEOR:

- Because superficial thinking38- if I go somewhere (thus doing a favor to the Jewish people, it should be understood), then for my such efforts I should have not sprats on bread, but mosaics and marble. Because then I'll feel like I didn't go for nothing.

"So it's money after all?"

"Prestige, hurry up. Well, that is, a person sees that it is rich here. [ ... ] Everyone saw how Lazar handled Pe and Me 39.

- And in this prestige, in proximity to power?

"Of course. No one canceled the Politburo, it's still in the brain. [ ... ] That's what everyone says - secular Jews, secular Jews. Who is 50-60 [years old] - they are not secular, but Soviet, and this is 40 for life.

However, it seems wrong to limit ourselves to these two factors, which are certainly very important. We can assume several other reasons for the attractiveness of Chabad for the Jewish public in addition to finances, embodied in visible luxury, bustling activities, the creation of new centers and new programs, and proximity to power, expressed, again, in visible prestige, in administrative support for Chabad against competing Jewish structures, in uniquely intensive information support, in status gifts (for example, the Schneerson Library).

37. R. Grigory Kotlyar. Zhizn posle smert': Zapiski o evreiskoi zhizni v Rossii v epokhu Putina [Life after Death: Notes on Jewish Life in Russia in the Era of Putin]. 2008. N 12 (103) [http:// berkovich-zametki.com/2008/Zametki/Nomer12/Kotljarl.php, доступ от 20.09.2015].

38. Superficial thinking (English).

39. This refers to President Vladimir Putin and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova. Dmitry Medvedev.

40. Interview with N. N., former rabbi of the Progressive Judaism community in Moscow. 2010. Author's archive.

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Both these two trends and the ones that we will find later are characteristic of the modern Chabad, which was formed in the second half of the XX century in the United States. "While not the largest Hasidic court in modern Judaism, Chabad surpasses the rest both in its actual social presence and activities, and in its influence on the world around it-both Jewish and non-Jewish."41. This is due to such a strategic feature of Chabad as high adaptability, readiness not only to allow, but also to actively use what was traditionally tabooed in ultra-Orthodoxy. Thus, despite the anti-Zionism characteristic of the ultra-Orthodox, immediately after the establishment of the state of Israel, Lubavitcher Hasidim established their centers there: Kfar Chabad, later-Kiryat Malachi and others, and the Rebbe regularly spoke out on Middle East policy issues, calling on the Israeli government to take a hard-right course.42 Contrary to the extreme conservatism of the ultra-Orthodox regarding scientific and technological innovations, demonized as a vehicle for secularism, the cult of the material, godlessness and lack of spirituality, the Chabad leadership has widely used and primarily uses the latest media technologies not only to communicate with its Hasidim, but also to inform the widest possible audience about itself.

The appeal to the general public is also unusual, not accidental and conceptual. Returning to one of the "anecdotes" described at the beginning of the article: "If you ask an obvious Chabad member about the number of members of his movement, he will most likely answer: "First of all, the entire Jewish people is a Chabad Hasidic." Unlike other ultra-Orthodox groups, which are primarily inward-looking, seeking to build a faithful and limited bastion of Torah, Chabad followers are outward-looking, taking responsibility for the collective soul of Israel and seeking to preach their way to Jewish society as a whole."43 The universal Chabad affiliation consists, in particular, in the fact that every Jew has a spiritual connection with the Rebbe, who is the intermediary between all Jews and Hashem, simply

41. Ravitsky, A. (1996) Messianism, Zionism, and Jewish Religious Radicalism, p. 182. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

42. Ibid., p. 183.

43. Ibid., p. 188.

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not all Jews understand this yet. This, of course, ignores other Hasidic courts, non-Hasidim, and fundamentally secular Jews. The unity of the Jewish people under the invisible protection of the Lubavitcher Rebbe, who promises to achieve holiness and unity with God, ensures the presence of the Jewish soul. Even the Jewish soul that does not manifest itself in any way "works", but the mission of Chabad is precisely to force Jews to manifest their Jewishness by observing the Mitzvot, even if it is minimal and one-time (to impose tefillin, to say Shema)44.

The same minimalism of requirements combined with maximalism of social inclusion is shown, for example, in relation to education: considering the ideal, of course, exclusively Jewish religious education, the last rebbe nevertheless understood that most Jews had moved away from this ideal, and therefore even in Chabad educational institutions after lunch they taught secular subjects, and in addition The rebbe supported a minimalist religious education program in American schools: one religion lesson per week and 45 non-denominational prayers.

This specificity, which distinguishes Chabad from other ultra-Orthodox movements, is partly due to the biography of the seventh and last Lubavitcher Rebbe Menachem-Mendel Schneerson 46, who has long moved in secular circles and received more than one secular education, and partly to the original philosophy of Chabad, which continues the Kabbalistic concepts of seeing the sacred in the profane (sparks of divine light in the Qlipot) and God - in any manifestation of reality: "No, there is no one but God alone" 47.

Modern Russian Chabad uses American experience and principles in its activities and self-presentation and adds new strategies. Analyzing the materials of the "Lehaim" magazine published by FEOR during the years of formation, strengthening and flourishing of the organization, as well as some other sources, published by-

44. Ravitsky, A. (1996) Messianism, Zionism, and Jewish Religious Radicalism, pp. 190 - 191.

45. Shneerson M. M. Pis'ma o vospitanii [Letters about education]. Andrushchaka et al.; comp. by I. Gisser, Moscow: Text; Knizhniki Publ., 2012.

46. See first: Heilman, S. and Friedman, M. (2010) The Rebbe: The Life and Afterlife of Menachem Mendel Schneerson. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

47. Favorite nigun of the Lubavitcher Hasidim: "I am not afraid of anyone and I do not believe in anyone - only God alone. No, there is no one but God alone."

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Under the federation label, several basic principles and strategies can be formulated.

"Homeland of Elephants"

The Russian Chabad represents itself as the embodiment of the primordial tradition, the heir of pre-revolutionary Russian Judaism, while building an" improved " chain of tradition 48: it thickens some of its links, portraying the small Lubavitcher yard as the flagship of Russian Jewry, and, conversely, ignores the thinning of this chain on the verge of breaking during the Soviet period.

For example, in the school textbook "Fundamentals of Jewish Culture", prepared and published under the auspices of FEOR, Lubavitcher Hasidism is presented as the core of Judaism in covering various topics. In lesson 10, "Prophets and Righteous Men in Jewish Culture," the central three paragraphs out of seven are devoted to Hasidism, the only one mentioned by name being the last Lubavitcher Rebbe. Lesson 18 "Judaism in Russia" consists of three sections: about Judaism before the XVIII century, about Hasidism and the situation of Jews in Russia and the USSR, including the events of the Great Patriotic War, that is, Hasidism is shown as not the main thing, but simply the only (others are not named) current of Russian Judaism, while from 60 Tzaddik houses named after only the Lubavitcher Schneersohn dynasty 49.

The same two theses - about significance and continuity - are expressed in an interview given on the occasion of his election as Chief rabbi of Russia, Berl Lazar:

- Some of your opponents believe that Lubavitcher Hasidism, which you adhere to, is not a traditional branch of Judaism in Russia.

- This argument does not stand up to criticism. Hasidism is the most widespread movement in Eastern European Judaism. [ ... ] The Lubavitcher Center was one of the most authoritative, and it is in Russia, in the western and especially south-western provinces, that these are the most important ones.-

48. Continuity is one of the signs of the sine qua non for an authoritative tradition, and accordingly ,the "chain of tradition", or tradition transmitted (shalshelet ha-Kabbalah) - a genre of Jewish literature designed to reconstruct the chain of transmission of knowledge and prove its continuity.

49. Fundamentals of religious cultures and secular ethics. Chlenov M. A., Mindrina G. A., Glotser A.V. Osnovy iudeyskoi kul'tury [Fundamentals of Jewish Culture]. Moscow: Prosveshchenie Publ., 2010, pp. 26, 27; 46-49.

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The relationship between the New York City center and Russian Jews has never been interrupted. 50
This discourse on continuity, of course, ignores the complexities of the "seventh-generation synthesis with the sixth", in which the seventh generation - shaliachs from abroad - "moved" the generation of the 6 1/2 figures of the 1980s, however inevitably, 51 and the sixth generation left naturally, and as a result of which it was more an import of the American tradition than a revival of the local pre-war one. Some jealousy over who is responsible for the revival of Jewish religious life is expressed, among other things, in the partly polemical attempts to reconstruct the history of the Chabad underground in the Soviet Union by recording and publishing memoirs 52 and is reflected in these memoirs themselves. For example:

The Chabad people of that generation were special people. They were not interested in money, they were not interested in honor and respect. All they wanted was to keep the commandments and help others keep them. Even at the risk of your life, but comply. Today, I hear the new Shlichim-Lubavitcher envoys in Russia who are doing a truly holy work and restoring Jewish life there - say sometimes: "There was nothing here before us at all." Wasn't there? My father, his friends who gave their lives for the Torah - they weren't there?!

To understand this situation, I will give you an example. During the assault on enemy fortifications, soldiers had to cross under enemy fire to the other side of the river. The bridge they were crossing was destroyed by the enemy. Many drowned. But on their bodies, other soldiers crossed the river and captured the enemy fortress. Who owns the victory? Only those who directly broke into the fortress? Or equally (if not more) to those soldiers whose bodies their comrades managed to cross to the other side?

50. Berl Lazar: "It is necessary to create conditions under which Jews would not seek to leave Russia" / / Lehaim. 2000. N 7 (99).

51. "...All this mentality had to be changed. It seems to me that what happened was absolutely predictable, as it should have been. It couldn't have been any other way. Because if foreigners hadn't arrived, everything would have died down here" (Interview with B. Gorin).

52. Soldiers at the ferry; Eighteen / Comp. 3. Wagner. Jerusalem: Shamir Publ., 1989.

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The current envoys to the CIS continue our work, they stand on the shoulders of the Chabad people of my generation and my father's generation, who did not spare their lives for the Torah and Mitzvot, for preserving the Jewish spark in the dark kingdom of the Stalinist USSR. Therefore, it is at least unfair to say that there was no Jewish life in Russia before them.53
It is noteworthy how, while insisting on their own ancestry, Chabad speakers denounce the importation of progressive Judaism; in a column specifically devoted to criticism of reform Judaism, Berl Lazar, among other things, writes: "Fortunately, despite all the efforts, it is not possible to introduce the American invention (here and further my italics - G. Z.) into the Russian-Jewish soil and, with G-d's help, it will not be possible." 54 Reform Judaism, it would seem, is more difficult to build a chain of tradition, although, as already mentioned, reformed synagogues with a choir and organ flourished in the Russian Empire, including the choral synagogues of Moscow and St. Petersburg, 55 meaning that historically it would be more accurate to speak not of "the introduction of an American invention into Russian-Jewish soil", but of the expansion of small-town Hasidism into the metropolitan space previously occupied by Europeanized reformed Judaism.

It is difficult to talk about victory without a mass survey of recipients, and given the aforementioned mass indifference and lack of information about the differences between Jewish interpretations, the survey may not help, but we can say that Chabad sees itself as the winner in the competition for the right to identify with an authentic religious norm and interpret it authoritatively.56 This is based both on the declared ancestry in the Russian context, and on belonging

53. Soldat na perepreve (Peretz Berezin) / / Soldaty na perepreve. p. 429.

54. Chief Rabbi of Russia Berl Lazar. Don't bargain with G-d, gentlemen! // Lehaim. N 2 (154). 2005. In fact, reformed Judaism, like Hasidism, is a European " invention."

55. For more information about reform thinkers and synagogues in the cities of the Russian Empire and the Kingdom of Poland, see an article by the reform rabbi Grigory Kotlyar, which can be seen as an attempt to create a chain of tradition: From religious reform to Zionism. Reform of Judaism in Poland and the Russian Empire in the 19th and early 20th centuries // Jewish antiquity. N 5 (52). 2007 [http:// berkovich-zametki.com/2007/Starina/Nomer5/Kotljarl.htm, доступ от 25.09.2015].

56. On such competition as a typical phenomenon in different confessions, see Aghajanyan, Rousselet, Edict, Op. pp. 15-17.

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to the ultra-Orthodox, which claims to be the sole heir of ancient Judaism, through the study of texts and through the living chain of tradition, which has preserved unchanged Tanakh and Talmudic religious legislation, as well as ethics, axiology, and so on - in contrast to reformed Judaism and other trends. It should be noted that although the" reformed " nature of liberal movements in Judaism is more pronounced and it is generally accepted to see ultra-Orthodox as the legal successors of the sages of the Talmud, the claim of ultra-Orthodoxy is unfounded. First, religious legislation has never been unchangeable; Judaism has always allowed and, moreover, considered it necessary to reinterpret it in accordance with new living conditions (of course, following certain standards of consistency with canonical texts and later authorities). Secondly, the habit of any Jewish community is more related to custom than to law (mingag vs halakha), and customs have always arisen and changed depending on the chronotope. The bifurcation point was the reform of Judaism at the beginning of the 19th century, when different trends - both reformists and counter-reformists-began to move away from the ancient or medieval norm. The ultra-Orthodoxy that was formed in the 19th century is much more rigorous than at least some medieval traditions (Maimonite, for example), and a large number of prescriptions, prohibitions, ritual and everyday practices, including the very appearance of the ultra - Orthodox, are an invention of Modern times.57
At the head of the people

Native and authentic, Chabad presents itself as the head of the Jewish religious community, both in the past and in the future.-

57. See, for example: "Of all the trends of modern Judaism, ultra-Orthodoxy is undoubtedly the most tradition-oriented. The essence of its conservative ideology is conveyed by the cry "any change is forbidden by the Torah!", a clever reworking of the Talmudic decree, first proposed by Rabbi Moshe Sofer in the early 19th century. [...] And yet, ultra-Orthodoxy itself is quite a recent phenomenon "(Silber, M. K. (1992) " The Emergence of Ultra-Orthodoxy. The Invention of a Tradition", in J. Wertheimer (ed.) The Uses of Tradition. Jewish Continuity in the Modern Era, pp. 23 - 84. New York and Jerusalem: Jewish Theological Seminary of America). See also classical works on (ultra)Orthodoxy as a New Age phenomenon: Katz, J. (1986)" Orthodoxy in Historical Perspective", Studies in Contemporary Jewry 2: 3-17; Samet, M. (1988)" The Beginnings of Orthodoxy", Modern Judaism 8: 249-269.

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It is a good choice, both in Russia and in other countries. For example, in M. Levin's afterword to the "Notes on the Arrest" of the sixth Lubavitcher Rebbe Yosef Yitzhak Schneerson, Yosef Yitzhak is presented as the undisputed leader of the generation and the main and only pillar of Judaism both in Eastern Europe and in the United States. American Jewry was assimilated - "it was a country with different customs, a different spiritual atmosphere," but it did not take long for the Lubavitcher movement to take hold in America: "The Rebbe's letters, messages, articles, and books awaken American Jewry from its long slumber, and a truly Jewish life begins to pulse in the country."58 The death of the sixth rebbe and his successor is described as follows: "...it is said, '... and the sun went down, and the sun rose, 'even at the moment when the head of the Jewish people passes away,' a new sun rises, ' sanctifying the darkness of exile." 59
This line is more clearly seen in the discussion of the current situation. News of community life, published from issue to issue in Lehaim, constantly and directly called Chabad the main and only initiator of the revival of Jewish life in the post-Soviet space, which restored to Soviet Jews the knowledge about Judaism and the joy of observance, without which nothing would have happened 60.

"Caresses the yard"

An alliance with the authorities is not only a mechanism for real activity, but also an important tool for self-representation. After the meeting of the FEOR leadership with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in November 1999, the December issue of the magazine is published with a portrait of Putin on the cover and the callout: "Vladimir Putin: "I've known about Hanukkah since I was a kid." And in subsequent years, the magazine's covers occasionally feature a front-row political figure-Putin, Dmitry Medvedev, George W. Bush, Heydar Aliyev - during a visit to a Chabad synagogue or a meeting with Chabad rabbis. Mutually beneficial cooperation with the authorities is emphasized by Chabad leaders as unique in the history of Russian Jewry-

58. Notes on the arrest / / Lehaim. N 6 (96). 1999.

59. R. Berl Lazar. Dear friends / / Lehaim. N 1 (93). 2000.

60. For example: News of the Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS / / Lehaim. 1999. N 3 (83); 5 (85) and many others.

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and throughout the modern world. For example: "The way the state helps us now, perhaps Jews are not helped in any other country in the world." 61 " Just recently, we lived in a state that hated our faith and did everything to exterminate Jewry. Now, thank G-d, the state authorities respect our people and our religion. Naturally, we also support this government as much as we can. " 62
In this context, we should also consider "Hanukkah in the Kremlin" - an annual concert held in the Palace of Congresses and the presentation of the "Person of the Year" award according to FEOR, an important image project that demonstrates, on the one hand, successful relations with the authorities-the concert is held in the Kremlin (and Berl Lazar emphasizes this fact every time in his speech setting off its anti-Semitic past: "20 years ago, who would have thought..."), and on the other hand, the involvement of Chabad in all spheres of life, not even Jewish life, but the life of Russian Jews: awards are awarded in a number of categories, including administration, science, journalism, literature, theater, cinema, etc.

The same message is present in the official greetings of the chief rabbi on other holidays, especially Passover, for example: "Slavery has long since passed into history, only funeral masks in museums remain from the Pharaohs; we in Russia live in conditions of complete freedom, our faith and traditions are respected by the state authorities, by the whole world. the sides of other nations ... " 63

Wonderland Field of Wonders

An important strategy, and one that probably appeals to the public, is to present Chabad as a hugely successful project-and this against the traditional Jewish backdrop of lamentations and victimization. Having its own rich martyrology and, of course, exploiting it, Chabad also emphasizes the bright sides in its stories about the "dark" Soviet era-the divine miracles that saved Hasidim from persecution, and otherwise presents its history as the story of a genuine and unconditional usp-

61. Berl Lazar: "We need to create conditions..."

62. Lazar B. Vlast ' nad samoy - dlya G-d [Power over Oneself-for G-d]. N 3 (263). 2014.

63. Congratulations from the Chief Rabbi of 2.04.2015 (http://www.feor.ru/events/popup. php?/id=12993&date=2015/04/02)

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ha, defined by the help from above and the greatness of their leaders. For example:

During the years of the Rebbe's leadership, Ono [Lubavitcher movement] from a small organization, most of whose members died in the Holocaust, it has evolved into a movement that unites more than 200 thousand followers around the world. "We should be proud that we have such power, that G-d gives us such opportunities," Rabbi 64 said.

After the miracles that I have witnessed recently here at the Jewish center in Maryina Roscha, and after what we see on this day, can there still be any doubt that Hashem is with us? It is He who empowers Rabbi Berl Lazar to do the impossible 65.

And this success - through Chabad-extends to all Russian Jewry, which can not but flatter the audience:

The Jews of the former Soviet Union are creating communities that will shake the world yet 66.

Our community will be one of the most important Jewish communities in the world, " Rabbi Berl Lazar concluded. We invite everyone to share our victory67.

Various projects implemented by FEOR are presented as triumphant, equipped with a train of superlatives: the most successful, the largest, and so on. The Chabad Moscow Jewish Community Center ( MEOC)is "the largest Jewish community center in Eastern Europe."68 "this is a reform, before our time there was not a single Orthodox [community center] in the world." 69 The Jewish Museum, opened in Maryina Roscha in 2012, has been repeatedly announced as the largest and most expensive ($ 50 million, including the monthly salary donated for its needs).

64. Moscow time // Lehaim. N 1 (93). 2000.

65. Big holiday in the Moscow Jewish community Center / / Lehaim. N 2 (106). 2001.

66. R. Berl Lazar. Don't rush to judge... / / Lehaim. N 10 (90). 1999.

67. III Congress of FEOR / / Lehaim. N 12 (152). 2004.

68. "The bush burned, but did not burn" / / Lehaim. N 9 (101). 2000.

69. Interview with B. Gorin.

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President's Office), the most technologically advanced Jewish museum in Europe or even in the world. And the general idea, credo and slogan of the community and cultural activities of the Russian Chabad is that the Russian Jewish community [ ... ]..[ ... ] Jewish is not only not flawed, it is ahead of the whole planet. And people have really lost the idea that there is nothing to catch here, among Jews. [ ... ] In different segments of the Jewish community, the best people of our town are involved. Who doesn't come to the museum? Everyone was already there 70 times.

It is difficult to assess the scale of the reception of this idea, but in some of the responses we have collected, a positive reaction to the cult of success is really present: Arkhipova was somehow musty, in staraya Marinka-somehow shtetchkovo, and now-well, they did a great job, what; everything is so fashionable, rich, a lot of people-just yes we sap"71; "I can't say what Chabad is, I don't know, but I go to MEOTS sometimes - there are such Jews there... steering, not old men walking on the wall 72.

The theme of success correlates with the idea of "optimism", which is put forward as the central idea of Hasidic teaching and at the same time its main populist strategy. Thus, Berl Lazar, answering a question about the ideological essence of Hasidism, says:

For Jews who have been persecuted for centuries, this teaching was a response to the most urgent need for an encouraging, optimistic faith. [...] An unsophisticated Jew - if his prayer comes from the heart - can be closer to G-d and more pleasing to Him than a rabbi who knows the Law perfectly. So Hasidism is not a sect for a narrow circle of the elite. This teaching does not divide, but unites Jews 73.

70. Ibid.

71. Natalia A., born in 1978, Moscow. Author's archive.

72. Mark Sh., born in 1970, Moscow. Author's archive.

73. Berl Lazar: "We need to create conditions..."

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The theme of success, advantage, and choice develops on three levels: Jews vs other peoples of the world, Chabad Hasidim vs other Jews, and Russian Hasidim (Jews) vs other Hasidim (Jews) - that is, the target audience of this message wins three times, wins, increases their self-esteem, without making any effort to do so. Perhaps this sense of success and victory is more important than respect for tradition and ancestry and an alliance with the authorities; Chabad communicated to Russian Jews, many of whom were traumatized by Soviet systemic and routine and post-Perestroika spontaneous and violent anti-Semitism, what was purposefully communicated to the country's population as a whole in the same years-a feeling of "getting up from their knees"..

This parallelism - the rebirth of the Jewish community and the rebirth of the country-is directly articulated in Chabad sources:

The current situation in Russia is very similar to that when our forefather Yaakov planted a tree in poor, unfriendly land in a bad harvest year. And the harvest turned out to be very rich, because Jacob was a hard worker and had the blessing of God. In the same way, people who contribute to the revival of the country, the recovery of its economy, doing their business, their business to the fullest extent of their strength, receive the blessing of G-d, thanks to which there is a harvest 76.

And another victory, a little more active for the public than the previous ones, in which you can participate in the very fact of your Jewish origin, is the victory over anti-Semitic enemies by observing religious precepts or, at least, participating in Jewish life in some way, that is, sporadically-

74. For example: "We Jews are the chosen people. So it is written in the Torah, so the Lord said. This does not mean that we are better than others. This means that G-d has chosen us to fulfill a specific mission. We should be "ner laamim" - a candle for other nations. In other words, by diligently and correctly fulfilling the will of the Lord, we are setting an example to other nations. An example of how to live on earth. [ ... ] Thanks to the Torah, we have been raised spiritually, we have risen to a different, higher level of morality. This is reflected, in particular, in our deep commitment to the family and community moral foundations. Few people in the world are as close-knit as the Jewish family, the Jewish community" (R. Berl Lazar. Do not deviate from the path commanded by the Lord! // Lehaim. N 1 (141). 2004).

75. In one of his columns, Berl Lazar draws a parallel with Russia: "Russia is now at a similar stage of development-from destruction to recovery" (From destruction to restoration). N 7 (123). 2002).

76. R. Berl Lazar. Personal and public / / Lehaim. N 3 (107). 2001.

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every visit to the synagogue, if not to Jewish concerts, turns the Jewish philistine into a hero:

What did Hitler want, may his name be blotted out for centuries? He dreamed that there would be no Jews left in the world, no synagogues, no Jewish schools, no books, magazines, newspapers, and that Jews would cease to be part of the world. You can rest assured, dear readers: by deciding that your child should go to a Jewish school, and you should attend synagogue, celebrate Jewish holidays, and observe the Sabbath, you are defeating Hitler and his modern followers time and time again. Our response to the Holocaust must be to strengthen the global Jewish home, raise our children in a Jewish way, and follow Jewish traditions and norms of Jewish morality.77
Get off your suitcases

A sense of superiority and success, coupled with loyalty to the authorities and opposition to anti - Semitism, constitute the (sub)national idea proposed by Chabad, which, as can be seen from the previous chapters, seeks to lead and represent not a religious community, but a nation-Russian Jewry. Judaism, of course, is called a condition for the viability of Jewry ("Faith in G-d is first and foremost important for the preservation of Jews as a nation" 78), but its profession is not a differentiating factor - FEOR is interested in all Jews:

I cannot limit the community to only observant people, this is not true. [ ... ] For me, information about a person's attitude to Shulchan Aruch79. Not because I believe that Shulchan Aruch is optional, but because a person's involvement in Jewish life does not depend on it.80
77. R. Berl Lazar. 55 years later. N 4 (96). 2000.

78. Remain Jewish (Conversation with Mordechai Weisberg, Director of the Moscow Jewish Community Center). N 10 (102). 2000.

79. One of the most widely used codes of Jewish religious legislation.

80. Interview with B. Gorin.

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The Russian Chabad is engaged in building not a religious community of observant Hasidim, but a community as a nation, a large and strong Russian Jewry within a large and strong Russian nation, repeatedly making statements about the gratification of reducing emigration and further plans for the"Jewish renaissance":

The work of the FEOR and its Jewish communities has never been aimed at promoting emigration. We would like Jews to be able to live in peace in Russia, to feel comfortable here, and to consider the country where they were born as their homeland. We, for our part, are doing everything possible to achieve this goal.81 "Today, Russian Jews do not sit on their suitcases, they are not going to leave tomorrow or the day after, they [...] stay and intend to participate in the revival of the Jewish community in the country."

This national vision of the organization's and movement's mission explains the various extra - religious projects of FEOR. The most famous of them - the Jewish Museum-was created as an educational center for all Jews, including those who are not involved in the tradition and are not familiar with Jewish history, as well as for non-Jews, for whom the museum was designed to create a positive image of Jewry. It has even been suggested that the museum's task is even more radical - by the very fact of its opening and its scale, it calls for the repatriation of Russian Jewish emigrants: "This project is designed to convey an important message to those Jews whose ancestors fled or emigrated [from Russia, from the USSR]-Russia is waiting for you back"83.

But the museum is not the only one of FEOR's secular projects, and these projects are not an accident, but part of an innovative concept:

Over time, the Federation of Jewish Communities of Russia began to deal with a lot of things that a religious community usually does not do. The museum, books, magazines, publishing houses-for me this is the Jewish community life, the life of Jews. [...] Our approach is that we need to

81. Berl Lazar: "We need to create conditions..."

82. And there was a time when many Jews were rushing out of Russia... / / Lehaim. N 8 (100). 2000.

83. Barry, E. (2012) "In Big New Museum, Russia Has a Message for Jews: We Like You", The New York Times. Nov. 8 [http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/09/world/europe/ russias-new-museum-offers-friendly-message-to-jews.html?_r=o, доступ от 20.09.2015].

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everything is important: we open the gym, we publish books, we make the museum. All of this was unthinkable for Chabad before. [ ... ] The community should give people what they need, not what the community wants them to take. Mentoring such an attitude - "we will tell you what you need" - is absolutely meaningless. It doesn't work. If people need a gym, give them a gym. Here it works 84.

As American researchers noted a decade ago, the" imported "nature of Chabad did not prevent its promotion in the Russian market:" Italian Berl Lazar and the Chabad leadership at its New York headquarters know better than Russian Jews how to attract people if that is their goal. " 85 The abundance of services - a gym, a restaurant, a dating club, language classes, a medical center, etc. - certainly attracts the general public of Israel, which, however, often comes to the Jewish community center, not taking into account even the Jewish, and even more so the Jewish and Hasidic components:

I used to go to the MEOC quite often 5-10 years ago with my friend N., we went to some youth events where everyone gets acquainted. [ ... ] No, I don't know about Chabad, I know the word - yes. Hasidism-it was in the XVIII century. The Lubavitcher Rebbe? I heard something... [ ... ] In general, I want to say that I don't really like fanaticism and try to avoid it 87.

I do not understand the correspondence between the Jewish center in Maryina Roscha and the synagogue - are they somehow connected by the same fate or not?88

The success story of Chabad in Russia is the story of how, thanks to all of the above - from the alliance with the authorities to the tre-

84. Interview with B. Gorin.

85. Aviv, C. and Shneer, D. (2005) New Jews: The End of the Jewish Diaspora, pp. 46 - 47. New York: New York University Press.

86. Cf. impressions of MEOC in 2003: "Since it was a Chabad center, I expected to see men in black hats and women in long skirts. Instead, I saw a motley group of people, among whom one black hat accidentally got mixed up" (Ibid., p. 45).

87. Maria Sh., born in 1978, Moscow.

88. Maya R., born in 1977, Moscow.

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the "synagogue of fanatics" became a national representation, partly because of the ignorance and partly because of the indifference of the "nation" itself, and also because of the weakness and unconsolidism of this "nation". About the latter and the inevitability - in its light - of the victory of Chabad, here is a comment from one of the most significant figures of the Jewish cultural revival in St. Petersburg, the founder and rector of the first Jewish University in the post-Soviet space:

Russian Jewry, like Soviet Jewry, is a very weak community. He has no brains - people have brains, but there are no shared brains that can communicate with each other. By the way, I feel very good about Chabad. Just imagine, I've been to the Lubavitcher Rebbe's reception twice. But I'm sorry, this is a complete nightmare. And this nightmare naturally took the lead of Russian Jewry, because it is strong, it is connected, it represents its own strength. And thank G-d that this has happened. Because otherwise there would be complete fragmentation 89.

The "synagogue" itself is relatively small. In Chabad educational institutions, the percentage of "return" to Judaism is high, but the percentage of emigrants is high - at least it was high - 90. Therefore, according to one estimate of the size of the Moscow community - 20 to 30 families 91-the Chabad machine is idle: as much as it produces, so much is lost by those who leave. But there are more generous ratings that indicate positive dynamics:

89. Ilya Dvorkin: "Everything significant is born when there are many people" / / Lehaim. N 8 (280). 2015.

90. Two examples from the 1990s: "Almost all my fellow students [in the yeshiva] left. A person reached a certain level, and then he had to continue his education in America or in Israel. The leadership of the community had a clear understanding that these people were needed here, we were always set up for this: "you can't leave", "who will be if not you". But no one came back" (interview with B. Gorin). Of the group of girls who more or less happened to attend the Chabad seminar discussed at the very beginning of the article in 1994, half became ultra - Orthodox religious-and all of them left for Israel or the United States.

91. " As there were 20-30 families, so it remains. Others come and go. And Lazar said the same thing - he spoke at my anniversary and said that here, the Greenberg family is from that backbone of the community...(Interview with Mikhail Lvovich Grinberg, head of the publishing house "Gesharim / Bridges of Culture". 2012. Author's archive).

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I remember a time when I knew all the religious Jews in the Soviet Union personally, but now I don't know all of them in the Moscow Chabad community. There are three layers of people in the community. These are about 40 families of community workers who have come from abroad, mostly melameds in Cheder, teachers in the yeshiva. There are also more than 60 Russian-speaking local employees of various community organizations. And there are also 80 families of people who do not work in the community, but do completely different things, but they are observant and identify themselves as the community of Maryina Roscha 92.

It is difficult to say what percentage of people who "identify themselves as the Maryina Roscha community" make up of the total number of religious Jews in Russia, since statistics in this area are extremely controversial - depending on the selection of respondents and the wording of the question, researchers get different answers to the question about the number of religious Jews: 26.7% consider Judaism "the most attractive religion93, 35% of Jews "profess Judaism" 94, 22% "identify" themselves as Jews, while 1.4% of them confidently called themselves a "religious Jew" 95.

But FEOR does not claim leadership of Russian Jewry on the basis of this community, whether there are 20 or 140 families in it. The public that is more or less involved in maryinoroshchinsky projects, apparently, exceeds this number many times over. At least some of these associates, but non-observants, can be described as "consumers": they use MEOC services, do not attend the service, and are not interested in Judaism, which they know very little about. The undemanding nature of Chabad, which believes that the main thing is Jewish origin, the Jewish soul, is very comfortable; paradoxically, "membership" in an ultra-orthodox Chabad requires less knowledge and compliance than membership in a reform community. Chabad provides an opportunity without doing anything - only by being

92. Interview with B. Gorin.

93. Gitelman Ts., Chervyakov V., Shapiro V. National identity of Russian Jews. Materialy sotsiologicheskogo issledovaniya 1997 - 1999 gg. [Materials of sociological research in 1997-1999]. Diaspory, N 3, 2000, p. 72.

94. Ryvkina R. How do Jews live in Russia? Sotsiologicheskiy analiz peremeniy [Sociological analysis of Changes], Moscow: b. m., 2005, p. 120. Cit. By: Nosenko-Shtein E. E. Decree, op. P. 88.

95. Nosenko-Shtein E. E. Decree. Op. p. 88-90.

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as a Jew, join an"imaginary community" 96, but not a real one (like a small community where everyone is visible and pays membership fees). "Consumers" during the years of generous Jewish charity in the 1990s and early 2000s got used to "freebies" and believe that they are entitled to" freebies " (because "they have suffered for so long"), and fears that free cheese is only in a mousetrap and "bearded" Hasidim for the gym and so on, they will not fail to "promote" them and turn them around, they visit some people, but they are sure of their sanity:

No, we only go to a dairy restaurant sometimes with my wife, then no-no. I'm not going to do anything like that here. I am normal, I am a Jew, but without fanaticism. How will they turn me, where will they attract me? I won't give up!97

This picture confirms the general observation about the consumer approach to religion and the church (consumerism) in post-Soviet people 98. Such a consumer gets the opportunity to enjoy all sorts of benefits and at the same time feel like a Jew in an atmosphere of legitimacy and security, as well as prestige, wealth and success, and at the same time not give anything in return - not to observe, not to participate in community life, not to waste their time and money and not to change their worldview.

Here we see a similarity with the" light burden " of modern Russian mass Orthodoxy, as described by B. Dubin99, highlighting several main features that fully coincide with what is observed in Chabad rhetoric and community building principles:

- Nationalization ("self-designation "Orthodox" [...] increasingly accepts the semantics of "Russian", connecting with a complex of ideas

96. Benedict Anderson's well-known term for European nations was proposed by Boris Dubin to refer to the Russian Orthodox community: Dubin B. "Easy burden": Mass Orthodoxy in Russia in the 1990s-2000s / / Religious practices in modern Russia / Ed. by K. Russele, A. Agadzhanyan. Moscow: New Publishing House, 2006. pp. 69-86.

97. Leonid G., born in 1970, Moscow.

98. Caldwell, M.L. (2005) "A New Role for Religion in Russia's New Consumer Age: the Case of Moscow", Religion, State and Society 33(1): 19 - 34.

99. Dubin B. Edict Op.

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and symbols of Russian exclusivity [...] and xenophobic attitudes towards ethnic outsiders " 100);

- Politicization (association with the authorities [the president], law enforcement agencies);

- The authority of tradition, the meaning of "primordialness","antiquity" 101;

- The pure symbolism of such religious identification (without "consequences for everyday life")..."Orthodoxy is not burdened for the majority of Russians with the consciousness of sin, tolerance and duty, church discipline and help to others"103).

Another concept that seems relevant here, invented to describe modern European practice, is vicarious religion104: nominal Christians delegate their religious duties to priests, monks, and a small number of observant believers. A number of our sources more or less explicitly express a similar opinion: let the" bearded people in hats "be" praying " - here or in Israel and America, and we just come once a year - and thus fulfill our duty, which is limited to this, because we are different, we have a different life, it consists of other elements, and orthodox observance cannot and does not necessarily fit into it.105
100. Dubin B. Edict, Op. p. 79.

101. Ibid., p. 82.

102. Ibid., p. 82

103. Ibid., p. 84.

104. Davie, G. (2007) The Sociology of Religion, p. 126ff. L.: Sage.

105. For example: "He, well, what do you want from me - I will never go here every Saturday. I have a job, kids. They earn money here, in the community, but I don't care" (Boris S, born in 1964, Moscow). "I think that these people who are in frock coats, they should do everything to the maximum, in a sense, and for us, they are in demand, and we, for example, come to the big holidays-this is our ceiling. Not because we are more stupid, and they are like better, but because they were born with this and reproduce further, and we were born with another-with Chukovsky, for example, and with the dream of Moscow State University, and not about some yeshiva" (Leonid G., born in 1970, Moscow). Compare the similar idea of observing for others, expressed in the 1990s in relation to Orthodox Christians abroad: "Thank God, there are people who do this work - which Jews should do in order for the world to move at all. If these people did not exist, I would be forced to leave other things and do only this " (Viktor L., born in 1947, Moscow).

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"Like the Church of Christ, who used to stick on the streets": reform Judaism through the eyes of Moscow Jews and their adherents

The reasons why post-Soviet Jews-contrary to forecasts - did not rush to build progressive Judaism here, or, in other words, the reasons for the comparative failure of Russian reformism in terms of mass participation and status, partly lie in the lack of reformists of just what constitutes the success of Chabad. Much more modest funding cannot provide such a large scale of social and cultural programs; in the absence of an alliance with the authorities, there is no information support and there is no sense of specific prestige; underrepresentation in the media, lack of PR companies, coupled with either a lack of funds or a different goal setting, leads to the fact that reformist communities are not even known Neighbors: "If you hadn't lectured there, I wouldn't have known about them at all, even though I live across the street from them. It is the lot of the few to learn about it. " 106
Partly because of the lack of information, reformists are viewed as marginals by the general public, being associated with organizations of evangelical Christians known for their missionary activities: "Reformists - they are somewhat strange, if we take the point of view of even educated people. Some sectarians like "107." The one on Argunovskaya Street is generally like some kind of Church of Christ, who used to molest on the streets " 108.

Another reason for this marginalization and distrust is the lack of the aura of primordial identity that Chabad consistently constructs for itself. People who know anything about Judaism do not consider reformists to be a missionary sect and may even respect their principles, their openness to the challenges of the time, their tolerance for what is intolerant of orthodoxy, but they do not accept their "novelty", reduction and correction of rituals. Reformists themselves have noted with regret the cultural unwillingness of post-Soviet Jews to embrace the liberal, individualistic values on which reformed Judaism is based:

106. Maya R., born in 1977, Moscow

107. Interview with N. N., former rabbi of the Progressive Judaism community in Moscow.

108. Maya R., born in 1977, Moscow.

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in order to properly understand the idea of reformism, you need to have Luther, the French Revolution, and the U.S. Constitution behind you-preferably in the not - so-distant past, and not the Politburo in the not-so-distant past. Mentality-c is not the same 109.

But it seems that there is a sector of the Jewish population that is ideologically opposed to Hasidic ultra-Orthodoxy and is completely ready for the ideas of reformism, but does not accept it on another level-aesthetic. For them, orthodox aesthetics and ceremonial are important; everything else seems to them to be fake Judaism, a simulacrum:

And what are the reformists? And then I was once on Passover, it was Hillel, youth, free-form. This is not the right place. No, well, I can't treat N. S. 111 like a rabbi, she's a very nice person - but that's not it, with all due respect. These are their still colored talits, guitars. I'd rather have a Seder here [at my friends ' apartment]."

Reformists turn out to be esthetically unusual, "alien", and ideologically too clear, too "their own" - distance or sacredness is lost - a certain necessary condition for a "real" rabbi or synagogue, and then preference is given to completely "their own" - "apartment" events.

The personnel problem of progressive Judaism is the lack of a" cadre forge " - its own rabbinical college. In the early 1990s, the World Union of Progressive Judaism was not particularly concerned with the CIS, believing that all Jews would leave. 113 Later, it relied on educating local cadres in foreign reform colleges (Leo Beck College, Geiger College), but there was no shlikhutpa institute, messenger, in reformism, and as some figures of the movement believe reformist communities in the CIS were sorely lacking in such people,

109. Interview with N. N.

110. Grigory S., born in 1972, Moscow.

111. A female rabbi in the Moscow community of progressive Judaism.

112. Maria E., born in 1974, Moscow.

113. Charny S. Judaism in the CIS.

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as emissaries of the rebbe, who went without question to any hinterland 114.

While there is a general shortage of cadres - unlike the much more numerous and staffing Chabad - progressive Judaism suffers from a lack of charismatic leaders who could serve as a trigger for a person's conversion to this direction and entry into the community. Reform rabbis are not well known to the Jewish public; for example, an informant who reported her complete ignorance of the reformists in Moscow and her dislike of religious "fanatics", which obviously meant Hasidim, declares: "I really like Dovid Karpov [the Chabad rabbi], I have been in love with him for a long time." 115.

For the reflective, knowledgeable and sporadic part of the Jewish population, progressive Judaism does not have charisma and sacredness, it does not give legitimacy - in fact, these words are not used in our interviews, but it seems that the reason for these people's disinterest in reformism, despite its obvious ideological proximity,is that it does not give them what they want. why you should go to the synagogue instead of staying at home with your friends.

- Well, you can collect the116 people for 20-30, there will be a nice inter-party free. But that's all you can do, apartment dwellers, as they say.

- So either ultra-orthodoxy or no legitimation is needed?

- Legitimation in the external plan? Who did she turn herself in to? [Who needs it, that] will go to the Orthodox to work out their guilt complex, so that the sign was that matzo is not just eaten here. But not everyone can learn to eat without needing a blessing "from above" and without feeling guilty.117
Those who have learned "not to need a blessing 'from above'", in Orthodox legitimation, practice what can be called

114. Interview with Leonid Bimbat, rabbi of the Moscow community of progressive Judaism "Le-Dor Va-Dor", 2013. Author's archive.

115. Maria Sh., born in 1978, Moscow.

116. The company (Hebrew).

117. Interview with N. N.

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"implicit religion"118 or "civil Judaism" (civil Judaism)119- maintaining a sense of belonging, sporadically observing certain elements of tradition - and doing this alone, in company, in a particular synagogue, but without a stable identification with any denomination.

Attempts are being made to institutionalize such home-based companies, turning them into regular minyans120, of which there are at least a dozen in Moscow. The opportunity to combine Orthodox style, aesthetics and legitimation, on the one hand, and a liberal attitude, "observance of the law" and a friendly atmosphere, on the other, gives the creation of their own small synagogues. For example, the Chistye Prudy 121 synagogue was created by a group of friends who decided that "we love [Rabbi] Shmulik Kuperman and want him to have a synagogue so that we can go to it. [ ... ] There is a minus - it turned out to be a Shabbat club. As in the USSR - a bath on Saturdays." The "bathhouse" has grown to several dozen parishioners, and the parishioners are mostly not particularly observant, and the Chabad rabbi, that is, ultra - Orthodox. The synagogue is positioned as liberal - " liberal in the sense of not strict-gays are called to the Torah and so on." The motivation of people who are practically non-observant to attend synagogue services may vary: this includes socialization and, for example, a psychotherapeutic or mystical experience: "I like prayer in minyan. Subtle experiences, all the cases! Prayer gives strength. " 122
Who, after all, goes to the reformists and why? According to the leadership of the Moscow Reformist community 123, there are from 50 to 450 parishioners in the community (400-450 people are registered in the lists for holidays, 50-80 people attend

118. См. Bailey, E.I. (1997) Implicit Religion in Contemporary Society. Kampen: Kok (Pharos); Nosenko-Stein E. E. Decree, op. cit. pp. 153-158. Nosenko-Stein suggests translating this term as "personal religion".

119. См. Woocher, J.S. (1986) Sacred Survival: The Civil Religion of American Jews. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

120. A quorum of ten men required for collective prayer; a private house of worship where such a minyan gathers.

121. If I don't have a website, I'll give you a link to my Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/chpsinagogue.

122. Valery Kh., born in 1967, Moscow. Author's archive.

123. Conversation with the administrative director of the community "Le Dor Va Dor" V. Kanovich-Marek, summer 2015.

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Sabbath service, membership fees are regularly paid, apparently, by an even narrower group), the percentage of non-Halakhic Jews and mixed families is significant, and the comparative ease of the reform giyur is considered one of the attractive factors. Among observers and analysts, there is an opinion that members of the reformist community are primarily people of "mixed origin" who do not meet Halakhic criteria and therefore are not accepted into the Orthodox community. 124 It seems that this is still not the only category and not the only reason. Our conversations with several reformists show the following trajectory (also, of course, not the only one):: reformism comes not from scratch, from an assimilated, secular state (as, in fact, was predicted in the perestroika years), but after an unsuccessful meeting with (ultra)Orthodox, often it is with Chabad, because, as the first part of the article shows, it is the easiest to meet with it. Thus, some of the current Russian reformists, originally coming from assimilated families, of course, repeat in miniature the historical path of the denomination: the reformists of the XIX century, including such founding fathers of reformed Judaism as Avraham Geiger, came out of Orthodoxy and created their own movement on rejection from it, and were not secular Jews, who came up with a convenient version of Judaism. The fiasco of a person on the orthodox path could be due to his non-compliance with certain norms, refusal of the court there - because of entering into a mixed marriage or because of his homosexual orientation125, and it could have been due to ideological differences: "a search for spirituality not found in Orthodox congregations-

124. " However, reformists perform a function that Orthodox and Hasidic christians cannot perform, that is, they accept people of mixed descent on the male side into their communities [given that Halakhic Jewry is considered on the female side, it is not very clear what the author wanted to say here. - G. Z.]. In our time, the vast majority of children most of the young people of Jewish descent belong to mixed families, with many of them in the third generation, and most of them do not meet the Halakhic criteria. The very existence of Jewry in the entire post-Soviet space depends on what identity these new generations choose" (Sinelnikov A. B. Jews "by father" and "by grandfather": some results of a sociological survey in Netzer summer Jewish camps // Proceedings of the XVII International Annual Scientific Conference on Judaica, vol. 1, Moscow, 2010, pp. 292-293).

125. "One boy comes to us, he is a Chabad member, prays separately, according to his Siddur, but he comes to us, well, when you see him, you will understand why" (from conversations with members of the Le-Dor Va-Dor community).

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or, rather, the fact that the person was repelled by Chabad Messiahship, or mystical overtones of Hasidic teaching, or" fanatical " observance, or radical withdrawal to religion, rejection of the background - family, secular culture, science, way of life, or rigor and rejection of any path other than one's own. In a story by a Moscow reform rabbi worth quoting in detail, this experience and similar impressions prompted a young man interested in Judaism to leave the Chabad environment and seek another Judaism:

I always say that it was the Chabad people who made me a reformist. In 1995, I went to the Gan Yisroel Chabad camp near Moscow. I got there a year after the rebbe's death. I shared a room with two Chabad students. [ ... ] One of them was in medical school and was going to retrain as a Moel. I can't say that at that time I somehow related myself to religion. I was just curious. I was a secular person, but I thought that orthodoxy was probably the right thing to do. As Ben-Gurion allegedly said, the synagogue I don't go to is Orthodox. That is, I won't go to your reform synagogue; of course, I don't go to any of them, but the one I don't go to is Orthodox. [...] But when I got acquainted with Chabad, I realized that this is not for me. First of all, the cult of the Rebbe. A year after his death, he was mentioned in all the lectures in the present tense, if someone said "he was", immediately corrected to "he is", at the end of each prayer - "Yehi Adoneinu moreinu ve-rabbeinu melech ha-Moshiach le-olam waed!"127 And I At that time, I had already read Chaim Maccoby in excerpts128, which was published in the magazine "Knowledge-power" in 1992, where he examines the historical roots of Jesus. And I was more or less familiar with the Tanakh and the New Testament, which I had read myself. And I knew where the line was drawn between the historical Jesus, the man, and where the Apostle Paul and the new religion began. And I argued with my neighbors: "Well, guys, just a little more and we will have a new religion here. Christianity is exactly like that

126. Words of the Reform Rabbi Chaim Ben-Yaakov in an interview with David Shneer in 1999 (Aviv, C. and Shneer, D. Op. cit, p. 43).

127. "May our Lord, Teacher and Rebbe, King Mashiach live forever and ever!" (Hebrew) - a song and chant by Lubavitcher Hasidim referring to the seventh rebbe; originated during his lifetime in the early 1990s, but was used and is still used after his death.

128. This refers to the book " The Revolution in Judea (Jesus and the Jewish Resistance)".

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it was just beginning. A person is declared a Mashiach, and then it is very easy to cross this fine line and start deification." I saw these farbrengens 129. There are all the shots, all the vodka is poured, and suddenly they say to me: "Here's a bottle of vodka that the Lubavitcher rebbe had on Farbrengen." And everyone adds a drop of it. I couldn't formulate it in any way at the time, but I knew that the guys were going somewhere wrong. Or we sit in the evening - a big TV set, a video recorder (the last word of technology then), a cassette tape is put on - the Lubavitcher Rebbe's Farbrengen. And at the moment when the rebbe says the blessing for vodka on the screen, our rabbi runs with a bottle and almost puts it under the screen - well, just like Kashpirovsky or Chumak, who charge the water. This was my first association.

And then I went to their yeshiva in Altufyev, where the rules of study in the yeshiva were hung. The rules are as follows: a scholarship of $ 40 (at that time - good money); who learns one paragraph from the book "Tanya" by heart-a bonus of $ 10, learns two-a bonus of $ 15, learns three - a bonus of $ 20. I did not like the scribbling, and the fact that the book "Tanya". Actually, the whole camp was to recruit people to the yeshiva. We did such a yeshiva advertising day. We read the Torah with Rashi's comments, learned a piece from the Talmud - I was delighted. And by the end of the day, they began to study "Tanya", then I just passed out. It's not all my reasoning about different worlds.

The next year, I came just to reinforce my impression that this is not my world, that I will not stay here. I went to class, asked a couple of questions, then stopped asking them because I realized what the answers would be. And my friend, who was thinking of becoming a moel, wrote a letter to the rebbe - and got an answer! Because it is believed that the Lubavitcher rebbe has already written all the letters. There are huge shelves with the rebbe's letters. And he writes a letter: "Rebbe, what should I do-stay at the institute or go to the yeshiva?" I say, " Do you even have a mind? Does the rebbe's own experience teach you anything? He had two secular educations. You should finish medical school, you're doing pretty well, you're a bright kid. You'll be a doctor, then you'll finish your Moel training, it'll be great!",

129. Farbrengen, or tish, is a festive gathering and feast of Hasidim with their rebbe.

130. The main work of the founder of Lubavitcher Hasidism, R. Shneur-Zalman of the Liad (Old Rebbe).

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then, with my eyes closed, I put my hand on this shelf, took out a letter in Yiddish, and went to translate it...

Then I stayed at his house in Moscow for a while longer. And it was a time when I was ashamed of Judaism. He completely terrorized his mother and grandmother: this is not kosher, this is not kosher, this is not allowed, this is not allowed. I didn't do anything myself, just yelled at them. They told me later that they had learned to cook without oil, without fat, without anything, so as not to break something, God forbid. And his grandmother once said to me,"Well, I think Christianity is a more humane religion." That was a very important phrase for me. And I began to understand that there must be some other way, where the knowledge of tradition is not denied, where the study of texts is valuable, but at the same time normal life is not rejected. At the time, I didn't really understand where this path was. I still knew almost nothing about reformed Judaism.

Even before I came to the Chabad camp, I read a book by such a Chabad man, Herman Branover, called "The Return", an autobiographical one. At one point, he gets to America and mentions American reformists. He writes that they are so-so, drive on Saturday by car and eat pork. As I read it, I was also filled with righteous indignation, because at that time I was oriented towards orthodoxy. And suddenly I feel-it's not true, I don't believe: "And in general, they are all for assimilation and will soon disappear." And then a couple more phrases from the "decaying West" series. And it resonated so much with my school, with the communist stuff. We were told as children how the West is rotting, I remember it perfectly, and a joke about the fact that the West may be rotting, but it smells painfully delicious. And another joke about the keys, which I always tell, saying how the Chabad people made me a reformist. The first Sabbath in the camp. Building in one place, dining room in another place. Friday evening. They say: they forgot to make eruv131. We can't carry the key. I say: well, let's take it to the cache, and no problem. They say, " No, this is muktse132, you can only walk three steps with muktse." And then I see an oil painting: one goes three steps, the second one comes up to him, takes this key like a baton, takes three steps, the first one runs up to him again - and so on.-

131. Symbolic fencing of a certain space, allowing you to consider it as one house/yard and move things along it on Saturday.

132. Items that are forbidden to be touched or moved on Saturday may sometimes be moved in an unusual way.

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lei. That's how I imagined the picture: God is sitting in the sky, such a blind old man who can only count to three. Sees: one three steps passed - it was reset, the second three steps passed - it was reset, and it doesn't seem to have violated anything. I tell them: guys, who are you trying to deceive right now? From that moment on, our paths parted, and that was the end of my affair with Orthodoxy, which, however, did not really begin. I realized that this is not what Judaism is about, not at all.

If the hero of this story, being a secular, but interested in religion, a Jew, having become acquainted with Lubavitcher Hasidism, began to look for a different path, then the heroes of other stories, also thinking and "sympathetic", in the same situation identified with Chabad, and still others remained in a secular state, maintaining a distance from religion and passively cherishing the ideal of orthodoxy:"the synagogue they don't go to is Orthodox." What Rabbi Lazar writes with a note of satisfaction in his column criticizing reformed Judaism as "bargaining with God" and not a religion at all:

In Russia, Jews put too much effort into remaining Jews under the Communists, so they especially value the traditions and precepts of their fathers. I often have conversations with atheist Jews; practically everyone says: "I'm not religious, I don't go to a synagogue, but if I ever want to go there, I'll choose the one that looks most like my grandfather's synagogue." So "reformed Judaism" will not take root here ... 134

But Russia's leaders of progressive Judaism may not seek to attract the masses and become a national representation. Chabad and reformist ideas about the community, its cultivation and its essence, differ:

Well, this [MEOC] is not a community building - we all know what it's called. Community building - this is when you come to some provincial shit and see how they are in the same room.-

133. Interview with Leonid Bimbat, rabbi of the Moscow community of progressive Judaism "Le-Dor Va-Dor", 2013. Author's archive.

134. Chief Rabbi of Russia Berl Lazar. Don't bargain with G-d, gentlemen! // Lehaim. N 2 (154). 2005.

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woodpeckers, with sprats on bread, and teenagers say to you: we have a non-walking grandmother here, we take turns coming to her to light candles and make kiddush every week 135.

It is difficult to say what is primary here: the goal or lack of funds, the reformists cannot or do not want to achieve mass participation, but at least what they are building is not a large "imaginary community", but a small but real community. Membership in the community is fixed (a person submits an application and receives a card), and most importantly, ideally, it requires monthly payment of membership fees, which gives certain benefits when attending holidays and other community events.136 The leadership of the Moscow community tends to stabilize the narrow circle of the "flock" rather than expand this circle at the expense of casual visitors. Judging by the passive invitation policy during the holidays and the minimality of PR and generally any representation in the media space, the missionary work of reformists is practically not developed - in stark contrast to Chabad. And another example that demonstrates this essential and format difference is the "Person of the Year" award. If the" Person of the Year " according to FEOR, as already mentioned, takes place in the Kremlin and is accompanied by pathos celebrations, then the "Person of the Year" according to the Moscow community of progressive Judaism "Le-Dor Va-Dor" is an event for its own people, which is expressed not only in the lack of advertising and information characteristic of this community, but also in the absence of In essence, the awards are divided into four categories , all of which are related to community activities (for volunteering, "for assistance in implementing programs" , etc.) 137.

Conclusion

With all the other differences - in the amount of funding, in media representation, in the support of the authorities, in the range of services provided-the central ideological point seems to be,

135. Interview with N. N.

136. Community today // Community of progressive Judaism "Le-Dor Va-Dor", Moscow (http://ledorvador.ru/ru/community/community-today).

137. The award ceremony "Man of the Year" in Moscow / / Community of progressive Judaism "Le-Dor Va-Dor", Moscow. 17.09.2013 (http://ledorvador.ru/ru/ community/people/401-chelovek-goda2013).

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The main reason for this is that the Chabad promise of self-imposed "getting up from your knees", a message of strength and success that allows for communion with minimal involvement, a message similar to the message of modern "mass Orthodoxy", is more attractive to many Russian Jews than the reformist message of adequacy, progressivity, liberality, which implies very specific participation.

At the same time, it can be assumed that the broad community (not just a few dozen families of observant Chabad members, many of whom work in the community) that has developed around Maryina Roscha, repeatedly winning in number, loses in quality to the community that has developed around Argunovskaya, being an "imaginary" community, often attracted by different services, and not by religion and culture. the idea of the community as such, not taking responsibility, not realizing themselves as a community. In other words, the 2008 statement that" the majority of reform Judaism communities in the CIS exist only nominally and attract very few followers", while"the Chabad movement has a significantly larger number of followers "138 is still true in quantitative comparison, but in terms of" nominality", many followers are "nominally" active. Chabad a's outnumber the parishioners of reform centers.

A part of the Jewish population that participates in religious life with varying degrees of intensity or does not participate in it at all, considers the choral synagogue in Spasoglinishchevsky Lane to be "the synagogue of their grandfather", or rather, "the synagogue of their youth", and does not accept either Chabad or reformists as new, imported and(or) sectarian phenomena. Moreover, this rejection may lie rather in the sphere of an aesthetic than an ideological one-with the total tastelessness of the products of both movements lasting for many years (from the interiors of prayer halls to the design of websites), which, obviously, is the factor that repels the most demanding part of the intelligent public: "If I go here [to the choral school], then I will go to the synagogue]. It's an old synagogue, and it's beautiful here, because it's old, unlike the old synagogue.

138. Reformism in Judaism / / Electronic Jewish Encyclopedia (http://eleven.co.il/article/13503, updated: 15.05.2008).

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from Meots or the Reformists " 139. This bad taste has been noticed by some attentive public figures and corrected in some areas, 140 but those who remember the first cases of collision with Chabad visual aesthetics and the specific Russian language of their texts have already formed their own opinion on them and do not seek to change it.141 An equally negative aesthetic and ethical marker for this group turns out to be an alliance with the authorities, while for others it is just an attractive one. 142 Moreover, it is curious that what was forgiven to the chief rabbi of the USSR, probably due to compulsion and taking into account the circumstances of the era, is not forgiven to the chief rabbi of Russia:

I believe that my synagogue is on Arkhipov Street. [ ... ] I have great respect for Adolf Solomonovich [Shaevich]. When there was a conflict between the two chief rabbis, we supported Shaevich-we sang a song to the tune of "There are so many golden lights on the streets of Saratov":

Ready to answer for the bazaar,
There is an honor not only girlish...
Rabbi Berl Lazar of the Kremlin -
And I love Shaevich.
Maryina Roscha is not my [ ... ]. I am deeply disgusted by their political activities
position 143.

A number of interviews repeat the reason for the rejection of Chabad, which lies in the sphere of both aesthetic and ideological, as the similarity of its practice and rhetoric with the communist (pioneer) practice and rhetoric familiar from childhood (the Lubavitcher rebbe as "grandfather Lenin", condemnation of American reforms).-

139. Margarita K., born in 1975, Moscow. Author's archive.

140. "I watched what propaganda materials are brought here, and I was afraid. I knew that most people would throw up at such Judaism. Terrible language with a huge number of errors, completely Soviet style, layout and design are also no. If I had first received books of this kind in Odessa, I would have been purchased not by the synagogue, but by the Hebrew University. And I wanted to do it well" (Interview with B. Gorin).

141. " Oh no, why do I need this Marina Grove? I remember very well: "We want Moshiach now-now"? Fire me! "(Anna I., born in 1976, Moscow); "atmosphere of vulgar luxury" (Maxim Sh., born in 1969, Moscow).

142. "Someone who needs to suck up" (Grigory S, born in 1972, Moscow), "well, it's just Putinoids in hats, from each poster they look at Themselves, in the best traditions of prayer "for the government of the USSR" "(Maria B., born in 1974, Moscow).

143. Y., born in 1945, Moscow. Author's archive.

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This can be summed up as an amalgam of authoritarianism and collectivism, requiring thoughtless obedience and condemnation of "enemies", which recipients can see (or imagine) thanks to external attributes that refer to the aesthetically worn communist past (portraits, rhetoric).

A new, dynamic phenomenon of the last few years, which deserves a separate study, has been the creation of home communities and small synagogues in Moscow by groups that either do not need legitimation or are ready to draw this "sign" themselves. Some of them are guided by the Orthodox norm-at least in the person of their rabbi, despite the fact that parishioners are not burdened with such a level of compliance; others rather coincide with the reform halacha, although they do not define themselves in such categories. In the Soviet era, there were underground minyans, where people went who were afraid to visit the synagogue because of informants and inspections and simply despised the synagogue with its snitches and prayers for the government of the USSR; the emergence of new minyans was also partly provoked by the rejection of Chabad officialdom and loyalty to the state. Perhaps there is a process of pluralization of Jewish religious life, as a result of which, no matter who you represent (or think you represent) FEOR, the real majority of religious and more or less observant Jews, at least not alien to the idea of observance, will be dispersed in these small, interdenominational synagogues.

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