A certain category of Asian elites consists of people who are most connected to the West, who were educated at Oxford, the Sorbonne or Harvard, and who have adopted Western values and lifestyles since their youth. The population of these countries, as a rule, retains an indissoluble connection with their native culture and sees the influence of the West as a threat to their identity. This" cultural " conflict between leaders and the electorate inevitably affects the politics of many Asian countries. Nor did Benazir Bhutto (1953-2007), the first woman to serve twice as Prime Minister of Pakistan (1988-1990 and 1993-1996).

:Keywords Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan, Islam, dictatorship, democracy, clash of civilizations.

Bhutto's national and religious identity was unquestionable - she always recognized herself as a Pakistani and a Muslim. As for cultural identity, Bhutto belonged to "two worlds": she naturally learned the paradigms of her native culture from birth, but thanks to her education and years of living in the United States and Great Britain, she easily navigated the meanings and codes of Western culture. In particular, being a strong supporter of modernization and democracy and using English as the first, "native" language, she could identify with the West at least in ideological and linguistic terms.

She wrote about the connection between her Western education and worldview: "Our ideas about life at Harvard and the United States inspired us and radically changed our future. When we returned home as teachers, scientists, or prime ministers, we carried ideas about democratic values and social institutions to our countries" [Bhutto, 2008, p. 273].

A friend of Bhutto's, the well - known British journalist Victoria Schofield, wrote the same thing in her obituary: "As a liberal Western woman who believed in the political process - something she had learned from her time at Harvard and Oxford-she was genuinely convinced that she could make a difference" (Schofield, 2008, p. 105).].

This is probably why the theory of the inevitable conflict between Islam and Western civilization, described by Samuel Huntington in his article "Clash of Civilizations?" [Hungtington, 1993, p. 29-49] and which caused a heated debate in the 1990s, so excited Bhutto as a politician and a person that she devoted most of her book "Reconciliation" to the analysis of this theory.: Islam. Democracy. The West" [Bhutto, 2008], written with the participation of American journalist and political scientist Mark Siegel. As you can see, even the title of the book contains a polemic with Huntington - "reconciliation" instead of"collision". I will note in parentheses that neither before nor after Bhutto did any of the women statesmen of South Asia analyze the problems of world politics so deeply and comprehensively.

page 72
Samuel Phillips Huntington (1927-2008) was an American academic analyst, social philosopher, and political scientist, and was the founder of the leading U.S. political science journal, Foreign Policy. The stages of his career have included numerous posts in universities, research organizations, and government agencies. He was president of the American Political Science Association, and in his last years served as director of the Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University.

The most famous of Huntington's books was the conceptual work "Clash of Civilizations and Transformation of the World Order" published in 1997 [Hungtington, 1997], written as a follow-up to the mentioned article and describing the dynamics of modern international relations through the prism of civilizational processes and related conflicts. Huntington sees civilization as the highest cultural entity that unites people and provides them with a certain degree of cultural identity. In this sense, civilization is defined both by common objective elements (language, history, religion, customs, social institutions) and by the subjective self-identification of people.

Civilizational identity, according to the author, will play an increasingly important role in the future, and in the future the world will be formed largely under the influence of the interaction of several major civilizations and at the same time the deepening of differences between them. The most significant conflicts of the future will occur on the cultural borders that separate these civilizations. At the same time, the author focuses on the growing conflict between Western civilization and the rest of the world. The growth of civilizational consciousness is dictated by the bifurcation of the role of the West. On the one hand, the West is at the height of its power, and on the other - perhaps this is why among non-Western civilizations there is a return to their own roots. More and more often we hear about the "return to Asia" of Japan, the end of the influence of Nehru's ideas and the" Hinduization "of India, the failure of Western ideas of socialism and nationalism and the" re-Islamization " of the Middle East.

The article and book sparked much discussion in academic circles and are now considered the most cited in political science, given that a number of Huntington's predictions have received very impressive confirmation to date, especially after a surge in terrorist attacks carried out by Muslim extremists in Western countries.

From the very beginning, Bhutto stated that she did not agree with Huntington's theory, which, in a somewhat mystical spirit, she called a "self-fulfilling sinister prophecy" that provoked the conflict he predicted [Bhutto, 2008, p. 238]. While engaging in the controversy, Bhutto identified with "Islamic civilization" and resented the misrepresentation of Islam in Huntington's article, in particular his claim that Islam is contrary to basic democratic freedoms and values. Bhutto rejects the use of the term "democracy" as a synonym for "Western democracy", considering that Huntington's theory denies the universality of democratic rights and freedoms.

Meanwhile Huntington himself was ready to criticize the West for its arrogance and desire to subordinate the whole world to its interests:

"The expression' world community 'has become a euphemism, replacing the expression 'free world'. It is designed to give global legitimacy to actions that reflect the interests of the United States and other Western countries.<...> In fact, the West uses international organizations, military power and financial resources to rule the world, asserting its superiority, protecting Western interests and asserting Western political and economic values "[Huntington, 1994, p. 35].

In his comments on Huntington, Bhutto tries to maintain an academic tone, but often they sound downright personal resentment at the "bias" against the author.-

page 73
to Islam. For example, she writes: "Although Huntington cites examples of conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, China, and Japan, he focuses on Islamic civilization because' Islam's borders are stained with blood '" [Bhutto, 2008, p.243].

This refers to the following passage from the article:

"These conflicts are particularly intense along the borders of the Islamic world, which stretches like a crescent in the space between North Africa and Central Asia. But violence is also practiced in conflicts between Muslims on the one hand and Orthodox Serbs in the Balkans, Jews in Israel, Hindus in India, Buddhists in Burma, and Catholics in the Philippines on the other. The borders of the Islamic world are everywhere and everywhere covered with blood" [Huntington, 1994, p. 36].

Bhutgo believes that one of the weaknesses of the "clash of civilizations" theory is that it assigns religion the role of the "defining feature" and "main separator" of people. At the same time, she herself confirms the validity of this thesis, focusing on the issue of secularization, which, in her opinion, is "offensive to Islamic culture." In the eyes of Muslims, Bhutto believes, "the Western method of secularization is equal to the denial of religion and thus is immoral" (Bhutto, 2008, p. 245).

Apparently, for Bhutto, the concept of "secularization" meant only harm to religion, and not good for society, as for Huntington and most Westerners. It is precisely this understanding of secularization that the Russian philosopher and orientalist Alexander Pyatigorsky wrote about:

"We are talking about the phenomenon and concept of secularization. When speaking about secularization in the context of Modern and Contemporary history, it should be strictly borne in mind that the issue here is not only and not so much a reduction in the role of religion in society or the state, but rather a reduction in the degree of religiosity of religion itself. Therefore, it would be phenomenologically more correct to talk about the secularization of religion than about the secularization of the society that professes this religion. In any case, historically it is quite correct to say that the first secularization precedes the last and serves as its cause. Then it will become clear how conditional are the legal and constitutional forms of the relationship between religion and the state, forms that in themselves do not say anything about the fact or scale of secularization" [Pyatigorsky].

It is clear that despite her Harvard philosophy classes, Benazir Bhutto remained opposed to secularization in Muslim society. In general, in her opinion, Huntington does not understand the essence of Islam (a common accusation from Muslim politicians and public figures in relation to their Western counterparts) and does not distinguish between moderate Muslims and extremists. The high level of generalization used by Huntington simply did not imply such definitions and "particularism".

As a man of "two worlds" (but not civilizations), Bhutto was more satisfied with the traditional thesis of peaceful coexistence of different cultures based on educational and cultural exchange between peoples and countries. "In my personal experience, such an exchange leads to the opposite results of armed conflicts. Years of studying abroad not only introduced me to a different culture and society, but also influenced those with whom I communicated from the point of view of my culture, people and religion" [Bhutto, 2008, p.252].

Here Bhutto translates polemics into personal experience, which is always unique and often violates general principles and schemes. Of course, her personal friends, Europeans and Americans, under her influence, professionally became interested in the problems of Pakistan and Islam, while still remaining people of Western civilization. But no amount of mutual sympathy between Benazir Bhutto and Rajiv Gandhi, people of the same age, position and background, who seemed to have so much in common, could seriously affect Indian-Pakistani relations or even simply bring the two countries ' positions closer on the Kashmir issue, which, from the point of view of the theory under discussion, is a civilizational conflict.

page 74
Bhutto herself recalled how another armed conflict almost broke out between Pakistan and India in 1964, when the hair of the Prophet Muhammad, the greatest relic for Muslims, was stolen from the Hazratbal Mosque in Srinagar, which the Hindus allegedly desecrated [Bhutto, 1988, p.177]. Hazratbal again became a bone of contention in 1993, when it was captured and held for a month by armed Kashmiri separatists. Then Bhutto, already as Prime Minister, had to appeal to the international community to draw attention to the events in Kashmir and put pressure on the Indian authorities. The border between Islam and Hinduism running through Kashmir was constantly stained with blood, confirming Huntington's calculations.

Finally, during her second term as prime Minister, Bhutto and her government supported the takeover of Kabul in 1996 by the Taliban, which she repeatedly called " American Frankenstein." In this support, "contrary to one's beliefs," another thesis of Huntington's was revealed about the "consolidation of civilization", or about the syndrome of "fraternal countries", according to which "groups or countries belonging to one civilization, being involved in a war with people of another civilization, naturally try to enlist the support of representatives of their own civilization" [Huntington, 1994, p. 38].

Belonging to the "two worlds" was not only unique to Bhutto's personal experience; she saw firsthand the "civilizational" contrast abroad and at home: "I was caught between two worlds, the world of dictatorship and the world of democracy. I was able to observe the power of the people in a democratic system and, in contrast, the lack of political power in my native country. I saw how people in America took their rights for granted. < ... > In my own country, people were killed and imprisoned for trying to defend their freedom" [Bhutto, 1988, p. 92].

Nevertheless, despite the negative experience, Bhutto remained a proponent of the" optimistic "development of political history and was convinced that the future of the Islamic world does not lie in dictatorship, but in democracy and modernization (even in"modernization without secularization and westernization"). Huntington, on the other hand, believed that

"on a superficial level, much of Western culture has really permeated the rest of the world. But at a deep level, Western ideas and ideas are fundamentally different from those of other civilizations. <...> In the political sphere, these differences are most clearly found in the attempts of the United States and other Western countries to impose Western ideas of democracy and human rights on the peoples of other countries. The modern democratic form of government has historically developed in the West. If it has been established in some non-Western countries, it is only as a consequence of Western colonialism or pressure" (Huntington, 1994, p. 42).

To this Bhutto replied: "Although Muslim and Western societies differ from each other, the differences are less categorical in political issues - elections, governance, parliamentary democracy-than in cultural and social issues. It is important that both civilizations equally strive for democratic ideals and rule" [Bhutto, 2008, p. 264].

While the international non-governmental organization Freedom House considers Indonesia to be the only Muslim country in the world that meets democratic standards, Bhutto believed that many Islamic states in the 20th century went through periods of democratic development. These include Pakistan during the reign of her father Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and during the years when her cabinet was in power. Meanwhile, a survey conducted in 2012 by the American Pew Research Center in six Muslim countries showed that Pakistan is the absolute leader among them in terms of predisposition to Sharia law [Most Muslims Want Democracy, 2012]. 82% of the population in Pakistan supports full compliance of legal laws with the norms of Islam (compared to only 17% in Lebanon).

page 75
Bhutto was absolutely right about one thing: the obvious social and cultural differences between the West and Pakistan in particular did not create dramatic contradictions between them in the political arena, where Pakistan remained a constant ally of the United States, including in the "war on terror." However, at the "interpersonal" level, the expressed hostility of the majority of ordinary Pakistanis to America and the attitude of Western countries towards the Pakistani diaspora as a source of increased threat conceal all the possibilities of a "conflict of civilizations".

Turning to the topic of the "war on terror," Bhutto emphasizes that this war reflects a conflict between moderate and radical forces within the Muslim world, and not a clash between Islam and the West. Bhutto has written numerous articles, interviews, and public appearances on this topic. She has repeatedly stated that democratic states cannot sponsor terrorism, and therefore the further development of democracy can eliminate the source of support for terrorists in the Islamic world.

Bhutto's attitude to Western democracy was mixed, as she saw its spread in Islamic countries as a certain ethical problem. While admiring the specific manifestations of democracy in the United States and Europe, she also believed that the West was elevating democracy to the rank of almost religious values, " claiming that freedom is a God-given right. And often Western countries try to apply the same attitude to foreign countries, preaching democratic values, almost like missionaries-religion "[Bhutto, 2008, p. 84].

But democracy, in Bhutto's own view , is if not a religion, then a real panacea for all the political ills of the modern world. "It can be argued that the twenty-first century will be marked by the peaceful growth of democracy and moderate forces around the world, especially in Muslim states, and will refute the theses presented in the book "Clash of Civilizations". < ... > There will be no clash of Western and Islamic civilizations if democracy reigns in the Muslim world, " she said in one of her articles. speeches [Bhutto, 2008, p. 292].

This" deification "of democracy explains what Bhutto meant by her motto "Democracy is the best revenge", which has come down to us as a quote in a broadcast by her son Bilawal (Fitzgerald, 2007). Obviously, she meant that democracy not only creates - builds, for example, civil society, but also destroys the main social vices: autocracy and dictatorship, extremism and religious fanaticism, disenfranchisement and discrimination. "The symbiosis of extremism, fanaticism, terrorism, dictatorship and poverty is a direct threat to stability at the international and national levels and a danger to the whole world. The only way to combat this evil is to expand democracy" [Bhutto, 2008, p. 297].

So who should develop this world-saving democracy in the countries of Islam? According to Bhutto, this should be done by Western countries if they want to avoid a " clash of civilizations." They are simply obligated to help Muslim countries "build and maintain a democratic infrastructure; by creating and funding non-governmental organizations for social welfare and human rights, to ensure the transfer of democratic experience; not to support a military dictatorship, but to strengthen the armed forces that recognize the authority of the constitution" [Bhutto, 2008, p. 298].

How Western countries will strengthen the armed forces of sovereign Asian states remains without comment, but most likely it comes down to banal financing. In addition, Bhutto proposed significantly increasing quotas for Muslim students in Western higher education institutions, where young people who have not yet joined the ranks of radicals and extremists "will learn political norms and human rights standards that are sought around the world" (Bhutto, 2004). It is not difficult to guess who should pay for such training of the new generation of Muslim democrats.

page 76
It is interesting to compare how Bhutto's Oxford classmate, British journalist and historian Tariq Ali treats the same topics of the relationship between the West, Islam and democracy in his book "The Clash of Two Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihad and Modernity" (AHN, 2003). He believes that after the end of the Cold War, the United States began to play the role of a new empire, and any empire undermines the development of national consciousness both in the center and on the periphery. Creating a single space for many different ethnic groups and religions, it holds on to certain universal values that are necessarily imputed to all the peoples included in the "empire".

In the modern world, these are the "American creed" - principles that are aggressively enforced around the world: Protestant ethics, civil liberties based on individualism, and the ideology of personal success. But the tightening of the political course and rhetoric in the center of the "empire" as a reflection provokes a revival of fundamentalist sentiment around the world. As a result, the dialogue between equal nations in the modern world is being replaced by a clash of different types of fundamentalism.

It should be noted that Tariq Ali, unlike Bhutto, analyzes history more than the current political landscape. For example, the experience of Turkey, a Muslim country and at the same time a former empire, which has shown an example of successful modernization and entry into the processes of globalization, remains completely unexplored. Yet his book shows a certain aspect of the clash of civilizations-modern imperialism - and explains the origins of religious extremism. However, Tariq Ali does not discuss any ways to overcome the contradictions between Islam and the West.

On the contrary, Bhutto in "Reconciliation" offers the world a new "Marshall plan", which will be implemented by the states of Europe and America to improve the lives of people in poor Muslim countries, which will eliminate the grounds for a conflict of civilizations. In her opinion, targeted programs of financial, social and humanitarian assistance can radically change the ideas (obviously negative) of ordinary Muslims about the West. "Material evidence would replace old prejudices "[Bhutto, 2008, p. 309], Bhutto concludes, apparently undeterred by the ethical side of her proposed plan, according to which residents of Western countries will have to buy off hostile Muslims and pay for their security from Islamic terrorists.

Bhutto sincerely believed that education, personal contacts, cultural experiences, and other humanitarian activities could eliminate xenophobia and lead to a dialogue of civilizations. This was her life experience: she lived for many years in the West, where she traveled freely, made loyal friends and did not encounter any manifestations of racism and discrimination. In addition, whenever she spoke to Western audiences, she was listened to with respect.

At the same time, having closely observed the life of her fellow Believers in the same Great Britain, Bhutto could not help but realize that the Western "Islamophobia" that Huntington spoke of has its own reasons:

"These relations are also complicated by demographic factors. Rapid population growth in Arab countries, especially in North Africa, is increasing emigration to Western Europe. In turn, the influx of emigrants, which is taking place against the background of the gradual elimination of internal borders between Western European countries, has caused acute political rejection. In Italy, France and Germany, racist sentiments are becoming more and more open, and since 1990, political reaction and violence against Arab and Turkish emigrants have been constantly increasing "[Huntington, 1994, p. 45].

In these issues, which Huntington writes about here, Bhutto shifts most of the responsibility to the West, which, in her opinion, should make efforts to reduce the "civilizational gap" between itself and Islam:

page 77
"The West must be prepared to recognize the negative consequences of colonialism and support for dictatorship during the Cold War. The West, especially the United States, should be ready to reconsider its position in the so-called world war on terror, which many Muslims perceive as a world war against Islam. < ... > Admitting one's own mistakes is always difficult and unpleasant, but in modern conditions it is absolutely necessary" [Bhutto, 2008, p. 303].

The question of how the peoples of Western countries should react to the numerous terrorist attacks carried out in their homes by Muslim extremists remains open. Apparently, the inhabitants of Western countries should wait patiently until democracy finally wins in the Islamic world and the " moderates "do not overcome the"radicals". That is when, according to Bhutto's prediction, terrorism will disappear by itself.

Unlike Huntington and other Western political scientists, Bhutto was familiar with terrorism firsthand: terrorists made numerous attempts on her life and eventually killed her. Therefore, her seemingly academic dispute with an American political scientist, in which Huntington still has the upper hand, is truly dramatic and personal.

LIST OF LITERATURE COURSES

Pyatigorsky A. Ethnos or religion? // http://vasilicvaa.narod.ru/mu/csipfo/mctod/ctnorcg.htm (2000-2001).

Huntington S. A clash of civilizations? // Policy. 1994. № 1

Ali Т. Clash о/ Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads, and Modernity. L.: Verso, 2003.

Bhutto B. The Way Out: Interviews, Impressions, Statements and Messages. Karachi: Mahmood Publications, 1988.

Bhutto B. Message to Youth - August 23, 2004 // Selected Speeches. 1989-2007 (http://bhutto.org/Acrobat/ BB Speeches_Book.pdf).

Bhutto Br. Reconciliation: Islam, Democracy, and the West. N.Y.: HarperCollins, 2008.

Fitzgerald M. Democracy Is the Best Revenge, Says Bhutto's Son // Irish Times. 2007. December 31.

Huntington S. The Clash of Civilizations? // Foreign Affairs, Vol. 72. № 3. 1993. Summer.

Huntington S. The Clash of Civilizations and Remaking of the World Order. N.Y.: Touchstone, 1997.

Most Muslims Want Democracy // Pew Research Center. 2012 (http://www.pcwglobal.org/2012/07/10/most-muslims-want-democracy-pcrsonal-frccdoms-and-islam-in-political-lifc/).

Schoficld V. Benazir Bhutto: A Great and Brave Friend // Reflections on Benazir Bhutto / Ed. by Javaid Laghari. Karachi: SZABIST, 2008.

page 78

Permanent link to this publication: