Libmonster ID: RS-600
Author(s) of the publication: A. P. BAZHOVA

In August 1751, a group of Yugoslavians headed by the Major of the Austrian service, Serbian J, set off from Vojvodina on a long journey. Croat. Soldiers, their wives, children and the elderly left their habitable places forever - a total of 184 people. Carts loaded with household goods and grain for the first crops creaked heavily. Cattle were being driven nearby. The horsemen carried rifles slung over their shoulders, and the priest's robe was black among the colorful clothes of the emigrants. He was also on horseback... Thus began the migration of a part of the Yugoslavs to Russia in the middle of the 18th century.

In the 18th century, the Yugoslavians were part of several states. The lands of Serbia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Macedonia and part of Montenegro were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, Croatia, Slavonia, Vojvodina and the Military Border 1 - in the possession of the Habsburgs, and the rural communities of the Adriatic coast - under the auspices of Venice. Although the conditions of life of the Yugoslavian peoples within the borders of these States were different, these peoples everywhere experienced social and national oppression. In the areas that were under the rule of the Porte, the peasants were forcibly driven from the lands that the Turkish feudal lords seized. The process of ciftlichenija (deforestation) began in Northern Serbia and spread to Southern Serbia and Macedonia. In Bosnia, land dispossession was faster, and by the end of the 18th century, most of the peasants of this region, having lost allotments, were cultivating the landlords ' lands. Some peasants left the villages, went to the cities, emigrated to other states. The process of forced land dispossession was accompanied in all the Yugoslav territories by peasant revolts against the feudal lords.

Although numerous wars, as well as the plague epidemic that broke out in the first half of the 18th century, undermined the productive forces of Croatia, the Slovenian lands, the Military Border and Vojvodina, in the middle of the century there was some economic growth. Urban crafts and village crafts are developing, and the first manufactory in the Yugoslav lands has appeared - a refining plant in Rijeka. At the same time, the emergence of industry in these areas was artificially hindered by the economic and customs policies of the Habsburgs. In the 40s-50s of the XVIII century. The Austrian Empire carried out a series of reforms aimed at strengthening the absolutist regime, the financial situation of the monarchy, and the centralization of government. The consequence of these measures was the further strengthening of political and national oppression of the population of the Yugoslav lands, turning the region into a market for cheap raw materials and a source of food for the mother country.

This trend was particularly pronounced at the Military Border and in Vojvodina. As you know, creating a military barrier on the borders of their empire, the Habsburgs at the end of the XVII century. conducted an active policy to attract the Yugoslavs from the possessions of the Ottoman Porte. In 1690, a large number of Serbs moved to the borders of the Austrian Monarchy and settled on the Military border and in Vojvodina. Similar steps were taken against the Croatian population. In order to settle Sirmium as quickly as possible, those who came from the Turkish regions were exempt from taxes for five years. The South Slavs served as a source of labor for the Austrian Monarchy for the nascent industry, the development of previously abandoned lands, and the protection of borders. The life of emigrants was not easy. Financial assistance from the state was minimal. Hunger, high mortality, awareness of the essence of the Habsburg policy in Russia

1 Area in the Austrian Empire, bordering Turkey; covered part of Croatia, Slavonia, had a military structure.

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relations with the Slavic population of the Empire in the second half of the XVIII century. they freed him from illusions about the resettlement actions of the authorities .2
From the middle of the century, the Austrian Monarchy began to transform the border guards (soldiers who served on the border service) into a regular army. The officer cadres of the Yugoslavians were replaced by Austrian ones. German became the official language. The pre-existing self-government was replaced by centralized military administration, beneficiaries were deprived of land plots, their freedom of movement was restricted, military service was established (from 16 to 60 years), and new taxes were introduced. In response, the Grani-Chars abandoned their homes and fled the Habsburg Empire. A deputation from Vojvodina complained to the Viennese court that the Serbian population in Austria was thinning out .3
The situation of the residents of Montenegro also remained difficult. The Turkish Empire took possession of its fertile lowlands, and the Dalmatian coast was in the hands of Venice. The Montenegrins had only a small territory in the highlands, convenient for protection from the enemy, but not for agriculture. On the pathetic patches of land reclaimed from the mountains, the peasants gathered crops that were not enough for half a year .4 Trade was carried out through the cities that lay within the limits of Porto and Venice: Podgorica, Spuj and Kotor. The purchase of goods vital for Montenegrins was difficult. In the middle of the 18th century, the Ottoman government tried to force the population of Montenegro to pay tribute regularly. The Montenegrins waged an incessant struggle against the Porte offensive, for access to the sea, against artificial isolation.

The forced removal of the peasants from the land, the increase in taxes and all kinds of duties, the introduction of compulsory military service, the artificial inhibition of the development of crafts, trade, and manufactures in a number of regions, and the widespread attack on national rights - all this provoked active protest on the part of the Yugoslavians. In 1730 - 1731, the border guards were worried on the Military Border, and the kmets (dependent peasants) joined them. In 1735, the entire Slavonian Posavina was seized with excitement. In 1751, the Border Guards performed on the Bansk border under the leadership of T. Kryuk. In 1754, kmets were agitated in almost all of Slavonia, and the Border Guards periodically broke out in Vojvodina. The poor who lost their land armed themselves, left their homes, and went into hiding as families and alone .5 These demonstrations were severely suppressed.

Montenegro has been repeatedly ravaged by the Porte. The Habsburgs stifled any attempt by national minorities to defend their economic and national rights. In such circumstances, the relocation of Yugoslavs to other countries became a form of protest against economic, political and national discrimination. Fleeing from economic and national oppression, from increasing taxes, landlessness, and famine, the poorest layers of the Yugoslav population, as well as representatives of the well-to-do stratum, left for Russia. Officers like you. Horvat, J. Shevich, R. Preradovich, and others hoped to find an application for their money in the fertile lands of Russia. J. Horvat went there with people, horses, and grain. He was so well-off that when he arrived in Russia, he proposed to build a stone church on the land set aside for the settlement "with his own cat". S. Pishchevich was prompted to move to Russia "by the desire to achieve more in life" 6 . Educated and very wealthy Serb I. Balovich, who studied philosophy, mathematics, law, Latin, German and received 400 rubles of salary for his service in the Banat landmilition in translation into Russian money at that time, also expressed a desire to leave for Russia. The magistrate in Karlovci did not allow him this relocation. Then he fled to Vienna, and already from-

2 p.Gavrilovich. Landowners will cover Srem and Slavonia with the honor of the XIX century. Beograd. 1960; his own. Ruma trgovishte u Srem 1718-1848. Novi Sad. 1969; his own. Prilog istorije trgovine i migratsije Balkan-Prdunav e XVIII-XIX stolecha. Beograd. 1969; his own. Shajkashka istorija. Novi Sad. 1975.

3 V. ?orovich. Historia Jugoslavie. Beograd. 1933, p. 376.

4 B. Babyhevih. Стварагье црногорске државе. Beograd. 1955, p. 69.

5 Archive of the Srpske Akademije nauk i umetnosti u Sremskim karlovtsima, f. Patriarshijsko-metropolitanij (hereinafter-PMAK), "B", 1750 - 165; 1750 - 137.

6 p. Pishevih. Memoirs. Beograd. 1971, p. 23.

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there - to Russia. As can be seen from his letters, the reason for this is a sense of national humiliation .7
Religious considerations also played an important role. In the 18th century, the terms "Orthodox" and "national" often merged for Serbs and Montenegrins who lived under the domination of the gentile and foreign-speaking world. We can agree with the Yugoslav historian N. Petrovich that " the Orthodox Church... with its rituals fused with folk customs, it seemed to the Serbian peasant to be the antithesis of unbearable socio-political conditions. By exercising a certain degree of autonomy, it restrained the denationalization of the Serbian population. " 8 According to I. I. Leshchilovskaya, "Orthodoxy has become accustomed to the idea of the difference between the Serbs and the non-Orthodox, foreign world and the consciousness that faith is the cementing force of Serbian society." 9 The prohibition of worship in churches and forced conversion to Islam, as well as in other places the compulsion to celebrate Catholic holidays and pay tithes in favor of the Catholic Church, also provoked resistance from the Slavic population.

The documents help to recreate the picture of ruthless national oppression of the Yugoslavs in the Austrian monarchy. The Serbian lieutenant N. Radonich wrote to the Russian Senate on July 2, 1757: "Those who refuse to accept Catholicism are called rebels, go into exile, and their very lives are threatened. Orthodox monasteries are being destroyed and clergy are being persecuted." The authorities "tried to force Radonich to declare the orthodoxy of Catholicism by caressing and threatening him, and seeing his stubbornness, they ruined him and publicly condemned him to end his life." 10 Hiding from his pursuers, Radonich secretly crossed the border of Russia. And here is one of the many and typical complaints sent to the Empress Maria Theresa on behalf of 6 thousand people. jasenovskih Serbs 11 . "We served without sparing our lives and blood, and yet we were constantly harassed," they wrote. "Last year, against all justice, we were treated so cruelly that it is possible to mourn with bitter tears, and even less to describe it, because not only do they impose unbearable hardships on us, but many hundreds of souls suffer an impudent obstacle to the most gracious and privileged exercise of Greek law." But the Serbs were even more outraged by the fact that they were treated as disenfranchised people. "Lieutenant Pashich said," the complaint goes on to say, " that he is our patriarch, bishop, emperor and God.. and our wives are allowed to be dragged to the Turkish regions... moreover, it is forbidden to complain under the most severe punishment. For filing complaints, 7 of our people are already under guard, and many others are in the counties... It is not enough for the officers to take their salaries, but we, poor soldiers, are also required to support them with their wives, families ,and children. " 12
A significant part of the population tried to defend their faith and religious practices, demanded the release of jailed Orthodox priests, and asked for permission to build Orthodox churches at their own expense .13
Trying to protect the population of the empire from Russian influence, the Habsburgs in the 50s of the XVIII century. banned free border crossing and began to detain officers from the Yugoslavians who were in the Russian service. But these measures did not help. The desire for resettlement to Russia was prepared by all the previous development of political and cultural ties between the Yugoslavian peoples and Russia. In the late 17th and early 18th centuries, these ties became particularly strong. This is well shown in the works

7 TSGADA, f. 86 (Relations between Russia and Montenegro), op. 1, 1707, d. 1, ll. 2-2 vol. (the year is given incorrectly, in reality-1757).

8 N. Petrovic. O nekim specificnostima razvitka srpske nacije u Habsburskoj irnperiji. "Jugoslovenski istorijski casopis", 1970, N 1-2, str 45.

9 I. I. Leshchilovskaya. Dosifei Obradovich's views on the national question. "Slavs and Russia", Moscow, 1972, p. 92.

10 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1757-1767, 2 volumes, 1-2 vols.

11 It was attached to his report to the Empress Elizabeth Petrovna by the Russian Ambassador to Austria, M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, in support of the proposal to facilitate the resettlement of Serbs to Russia (ibid., 1751, 3, pp. 158-160).

12 Ibid.

13 PMAK, "B", 1750-165, 1750-129, 1756-570.

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S. K. Bogoyavlensky and the Yugoslav historian G. Stanojevic 14 . Interesting documents on this subject are available in the TSGADA funds on Russia's relations with Serbia and Montenegro, Turkey, Austria and Venice. These materials give an idea of the desire of Serbs, Montenegrins, Hercegovians, and Dalmatians to find support from Russia in their struggle against the Porte15 .

In the complex of problems facing Russia at that time, one of the central places was occupied by Yuzhnaya, the main content of which was reduced to ensuring the security of the southern borders, acquiring ports on the Black Sea, the possibility of unhindered farming in the southern regions of the country, and involving the richest lands of the Black Earth region in economic turnover. In the second half of the century, due to the crisis of the Turkish state, the development of the liberation movement of the peoples subordinate to it, as well as the intensification of the struggle of the great Powers for political and economic dominance in South-Eastern Europe and the Middle East, Russia begins to conduct a more active policy towards Turkey. The struggle to solve the "southern" problem corresponded to the tasks of progressive development of the country. Objectively, Russia's policy in the Balkans and the Black Sea region contributed to the strengthening of the liberation struggle of the southern Slavs, Greeks, Moldovans, Wallachians and Albanians.

The policy pursued by Peter I towards the Yugoslav peoples at the beginning of the 18th century was aimed at uniting forces against the Ottoman Empire. Perhaps the most clear message of this policy was conveyed by the Hercegovian Savva Vladislavich, adviser to Peter the Great. In a letter (March 1711) to his compatriot M. Miloradovich, he asks him to go to the Serbs, Montenegrins, Croats, and Herzegovina, to persuade them to act together with the Russians against the Porte, and cites the words of Peter I: "This will serve not only the benefit of Russia, but also of every fatherland" 16. The unsuccessful Prut campaign of 1711 did not shake the established ties, and they can be traced in the following years 17. In 1715, the Montenegrin Metropolitan Danila Negosh came to St. Petersburg to ask for protection from the Porte. Since that time, small Montenegro, which defended its independence, began to receive regular financial assistance "for the restoration of monasteries" - this was the decree of Peter I.

Apparently, feeling to some extent responsible for the devastation that the Montenegrins suffered from the Turkish Empire after the failure of the Prut campaign, Peter I issued a decree in 1715: "Moldovans, Volokhs and Serbs, who have no service for a peaceful resolution with the Turks, and they cannot return to their homes (for participation in the Prut campaign. - A. B.), to be them in the provinces of Kiev and Azov " 18 . Two Serbian captains and 148 ordinary Serbs were settled in the Azov province. In slobodsky places, senior officers were assigned "to a small town or noble village", and in smaller ranks- "several yards and a factory for money and bread", and it was also promised "that land will be given from empty places on which they can settle people from their own peoples, sending for this purpose to the United States." your land of messengers " 19 . Officers and privates who moved from the Slavonic lands received not only land, but also monetary and grain salaries: each captain-60 rubles and 60 quarters of bread per year, a lieutenant-30 rubles and 30 quarters, a private-14 rubles and 12 quarters of bread.

Peter I consistently implemented a plan to attract Yugoslavians to Russian service. In 1723, after listening to the proposal of Major I. Albanez in the College of Foreign Affairs to settle a regiment of Yugoslavians in Russia, the tsar ordered: "If we have perceived the intention to maintain several regiments of mounted troops from the Serbian people in our Ukrainian cities, we encourage them: those from the mentioned peoples will come voluntarily to our service, then they will be given a salary, also walkie-talkies and portions according to their rank and service,., and those who come with their wives and children will be set aside for

14 S. K. Bogoyavlensky. From Russian-Serbian relations under Peter the Great. "Voprosy istorii", 1946, N 8-9; Stanojevih. Crna Gora at doba to Vladyka Danila. Ceti°E. 1955; same name. Historia Crne Gore. T. 3. Titograd. 1975, pp. 325-373.

15 TSGADA, f. 86, op. 1, 1707, d. 1, d. 2, ll. 9-13; f. 59, op. 1, d. 1.

16 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Montenegro, 1796-1800, 29, pp. 134-136.

17 TSGADA, f. 86, op. 1, 1712, d. 2, ll. 9-13.

18 Ibid., d. 1, ll. 3, 3 vol.

19 Ibid., l. 4.

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their lives and lands and grounds " 20 . In one of the decrees signed by Peter I, it was ordered "to release the above-mentioned dachas from the Malorossiyskaya Collegium immediately, and to assign apartments without question"21 . When in the middle of the XVIII century the government of Elizabeth Petrovna declared a return to the Petrine order, the question of the army arose, in particular. There were not enough Russian command personnel. The number of military schools that trained officers grew slowly. The military Collegium reminded the Senate that by decree of Peter I, " it is ordered to keep foreigners a third part, and Russians two parts.. now it consists of colonels of foreign - 34, Russian-28 " 22 . Under these circumstances, the possibility of enlisting representatives of Slavic peoples who had accumulated combat experience in the wars against Turkey and spoke a similar language seemed tempting.

And many Yugoslavs themselves let the Russian government know about their desire to move to Russia in various ways. In 1749, the Ambassador in Constantinople A. M. Obreskov was visited by S. Petrovich, who was sent from Montenegro, who on behalf of the Metropolitan and the elders of Montenegro offered to assist in the resettlement of a significant part of the Montenegrins to Russia. S. Petrovich was accepted into the Russian service, but in fact his mission was reduced to a "secret assignment" - to facilitate the resettlement of Montenegrins and Dalmatians to Russia. In 1751, the ambassador in Vienna M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin was approached with a similar proposal by officers-natives of the Yugoslav lands, who were in the Austrian service, J. Horvath, I. Chernojevic, R. Preradovich, J. Shevich. They said that "at least a thousand people expressed a desire to settle in Russia on empty land." 23
M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, in a letter dated May 22, 1751, addressed to Elizabeth Petrovna, outlined a project for attracting Serbs to the Russian service. Referring to the traditions of the time of Peter I, he argued that this would be "very useful for the state", since the Serbs are experienced soldiers and will be irreplaceable in the war with Turkey, they know the situation, enemy tactics and "can be supported by their compatriots everywhere". "I had a colonel of the Serbian people," wrote M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, " a very skilful officer, Ivan Horvat, who declared that he and Colonel Chernojevic, who are both of the very first people to be revered, were with various other officers... they are asked to take favorable places near Baturin, so that, starting from the last days of July, they can go out and settle down with their families one by one, and the aforementioned Croat strongly encourages and tries to recruit and gradually bring a whole Hussar regiment of 1000 people from the Orthodox people to the Russian borders, who will provide everyone with a full uniform, ammunition and horses and he will bring his cat, only asking for the rank of major General. In addition, the designated Croat still has an infantry regiment of regular Pandurs (infantrymen. - A B.), which here in great praise are available from the Greek confession of people, two thousand in number, and promises to deliver to the Russian borders... And I know quite well, "Bestuzhev - Ryumin went on," how much care the Emperor Peter the Great had, and used his all-glorious labors, in order, for the greater benefit and prosperity of the Russian Empire, to make some of those laudable peoples from the earliest years, at least somewhat, into his own subjects in terms of their particular bravery, piety, similarity, and natural beauty. and that they can be more useful than others during the war with the Turks, because they know all the places there, as well as that among the Turkish subjects there are many of these homelanders, who in any case will willingly fulfill what they need."24
In July 1751, M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin received a reply from the tsarina. His proposals met with understanding: the Yugoslavs were promised fertile lands, benefits, and high ranks in Russia. "No matter how many of them the Serbian people want to go to our empire, all of them, as co-religionists with us, will accept our service and citizenship, and as for the wishes of their Serbs, they are ordered not only in the Ukraine, but also in some other places of our empire, which are no less profitable for human life, extensive and fruitful lands will be given. You're pretty knowledgeable yourself

20 Ibid., f. 248, kn. 437, l. 477.

21 Ibid., l. 478.

22 L. G. Beskrovny. The Russian Army and Navy in the XVIII century, Moscow, 1958, p. 177.

23 TSGADA, State Archive, category XX, f. 20, 1751, d. 50, ll. 30-31.

24 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1751, 3, ll. 11-11 vol.

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for the sovereign, our parent, has made every effort to attract these peoples to himself, but you can understand enough of your hard work, care and skill, and the power of attorney entrusted to you in this case requires it. " 25
In September 1751, a rescript was sent from the Board of Foreign Affairs to the military board and to the Kiev governor: "To meet (Yugoslavian - A. B.), send good Hussars and several artisan men for uniforms and ammunition and place them near Kiev in various favorable places, receive them without any difficulties and set aside apartments near Kiev until next spring. The multiplication of these brave people in our regions is very useful for us." For the settlement of the new Hussar and Pandur regiments, special lands were allocated: "It is ordered to continue to settle them in the Zadniprovskiye localities. From the mouth of the Kagarlyk River, in a straight line to the upper reaches of the Tura River at the mouth of the Kamenka River, to the upper reaches of the Berezovka River, to the top of the Orel River and along it down to the mouth, where it flows into the Dnieper, yielding 20 versts from the Polish border " 26 . The decree of January 11, 1752 defined the basis of the military organization of the South Slavic settlers: "To recruit and establish 4 regiments. Two Hussars, two Pandurs. Each regiment in 4 thousand people, so that each regiment in 20 companies consisted. These newly established regiments have seniority from our army. For the settlement, contented and profitable lands will be given for living, each with a pleportion. The lands will be given to them in perpetual and hereditary possession, the monetary salary will be determined and will be given to them. This settlement of the Hussar and Pandur regiments is called "Novo-Serbia" with the center in Novomirgorod and "Slavyanoserbia" with the center in Bakhmut. On October 12, 1752, Hetman K. G. Razumovsky was given an order: "So that no obstacle and insanity and not the slightest bitterness can be caused to the peoples who have just come out and become our subjects again, because such a settlement of the Serbian and other peoples' regiments can serve as a border defense for the Little Russians themselves in defense against enemy raids. " 27
The policy of attracting Yugoslavs to Russia was met with resistance from Austria. The article prepared by the Russian government in 1753 reveals the forms of this counteraction: "Strange news has been received in the Kiev province that false tares are being dispersed in the Polish and Hungarian regions, that privileges for those entering the New Serbia are being canceled, that the granted lands will be taken away,... in reality, the settlers are being provided with a monetary salary, are free and calmly in their settlements, enjoy completely given fertile lands and other benefits. Envious people have found this vile way to gather and scatter their tares. " 28 It is not difficult to understand who was meant by the name "envious". The Government of Maria Theresa, which had allowed the first batch of settlers to leave its possessions without hindrance, hoping to get rid of the restless element, was then frightened by the massive nature of the relocation and took all possible measures to deter those who sought to move. They were not issued passports; representatives of Russia and those who were preparing to emigrate from the Austrian possessions were arrested .29 On April 14, 1752, the Austrian envoy to Russia protested to the Russian Chancellor about the "unfriendly actions of the Russian government towards the Austrian Empire"30 . The government of Elizabeth Petrovna was forced to take into account the demands of the Habsburgs and stop the policy of actively encouraging the resettlement of Yugoslavians to Russia.

However, the migration did not stop. It included Montenegrins, Dalmatians, residents of Herzegovina, Bosnia, and Boka Kotor. However, the conditions of resettlement have become extremely complicated: migrants left secretly, made their way to a new place of residence in small parties, and were subjected to arrests and hardships on the way. Judging by the report submitted to the Senate, the requests of Montenegrins were reduced to the following: "Metropolitan Vasily Petrovich, Governor Stanislav Radonich started from Montenegro

25 Ibid.

26 TSGVIA, f. 10, op. 109, 1751, d. 33, l. 8.

27 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1751-1752, d. 2, ll. 428-429.

28 Ibid., 1753, d. 1, ll. 532-532 vol.

29 Ibid., 1751, 3, ll. 41-59, 86-91.

30 Ibid., pp. 39-42.

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and some local leaders with different ideas, namely: 1. That the Montenegrin people were accepted under the patronage of Russia. 2. To establish a Montenegrin regiment in Russia. 3. That an annual pension of up to 15 thousand rubles should be established for the establishment of good order in Montenegro. 4. That the Russian representative should be in the Montenegrin residence " 31 .

The relocation of the Montenegrins was complicated by the fact that they, while remaining virtually independent, were formally subjects of the Turkish Empire, and their entry into Russia provoked protests from the Porte and Austria, through whose territory they were supposed to pass, and Venice, which sought to stop any connection between the Montenegrins and Dalmatians with Russia. On December 13, 1756, in a letter to Chancellor A. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin and Vice-Chancellor M. I. Vorontsov, Metropolitan V. Petrovich of Montenegro wrote:: "For the last three years, the Porte has been advancing on the Black Mountain." The reason for this, he saw, was that the rulers of the Republic of Venice were inciting the Sultan to actually subjugate Montenegro. Turkish troops invaded its borders, and Venice forbade the passage of Montenegrins through its territory. The Venetians captured the ships of D. Predolini, which were supposed to take 1 thousand Montenegrins to Russia .32 The metropolitan hoped that as soon as the right of free passage through the Venetian territories was obtained, a large number of people would go to Russia, and he asked for money, gunpowder, and lead for defense against the Turks. On January 31, 1757, he wrote to Mikhail Vorontsov: "In the current disastrous Montenegrin case, we resort to the protection of Russia, otherwise where can we go?" 33 The email didn't go unanswered. This can be seen from the activities of S. Puchkov, who in 1758 was sent to Vienna "for a certain commission", and in a secret instruction of the Board of Foreign Affairs he was instructed to facilitate the transportation of "local peoples through Trieste and Fium to Russia for military service" 34

Fearing complications in relations with the Port and European powers, Russia could not accept Montenegrins, Dalmatians, Herzegovina and others legally. Therefore, every effort was made to transport them "in a secret and inconspicuous way." At the same time, it was promised to endow them with fertile lands "along the Volga River and its adjacent rivers, because it is impossible to settle them near the Turkish border, so that the Ottoman Port does not apply for them back to claim them"35 . Not only S. Puchkov, but also the Montenegrins Major S. Petrovich, Lieutenant N. Petrovich, as well as the Russian envoy in Vienna K. Kaiserling, who replaced M. P. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, monitored the movements of the Yugoslavians and contributed to their resettlement .36 General Providur (Viceroy) In 1751, the Visionary of Kotor warned against mediating between the Montenegrins and Russia, warning that this could lead to serious political consequences .37 In response, Providur Kotora reported that measures had been taken to cut off all ties with the Russians, in particular, when the Montenegrins tried to meet with the Russian representative, one Montenegrin was killed, the ship on which the Russian arrived was burned, four Dubrovchans involved in this case were killed, and everything was reported to the Montenegrin metropolitan as a warning .38
A native of Eastel-Novo (Dalmatia), I. Belovich, who arrived in Russia in 1751,39 was forbidden to return to his homeland. The proclamation of the General Provost of Venice in Dalmatia and Albania is full of threats against former natives of Castel Novo I. Belovich and I. Voinovich for becoming Russian citizens and trying to persuade their compatriots to do so. They were threatened with hanging, and "those who catch or kill them will receive 1000 ducats inside the state, and 2000 ducats outside."-

31 Ibid., 1752, d. 1, l. 54.

32 S. M. Solovyov. The history of Russia since ancient times. Kn. XII. M. 1964, p. 375; Istorijski archiv Kotor. Pravno-politiyki spisi (hereinafter-IAK UP, 77, 608, 609.

33 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1756-1757, 3, ll. 1-10.

34 Ibid., 2, ll. 4, 5.

35 Ibid., ll. 7-7 vol.

36 Ibid., ll. 9-9 vol.

37 IAK UP, 71, 404.

38 Ibid., 71, 6.

39 TSGADA, f. 86, op. 1, 1751, d. 1.

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They were also forbidden to provide assistance to them on pain of five years ' imprisonment in galleys or 10 years in prison. If they are seen anywhere, "ring the bells and join forces to try in every possible way to catch them alive or dead." 40 Nevertheless, the resettlement of the Yugoslavs to Russia continued.

A special "Montenegrin Commission"was created to resolve the issue of settlement of Montenegrins, Dalmatians and others. As a result of a long discussion of various projects, it was decided that the Yugoslavians should "go out by land (the sea route was considered impractical due to the high cost - A. B.) through Vienna and Kiev in small parties of one hundred people", their secret guide was carried out by S. Puchkov, S. Petrovich, S. Pishchevich and others. Upon arrival in Kiev, it was decided to remove them away from the eyes of Turkish diplomats, to the Orenburg steppes. In this regard, the military college appealed to the Orenburg governor with a request to inspect the land between Orenburg and Stavropol, "how many people can be settled there, following the example of New Serbia"41 . The site for the Montenegrin settlement was chosen between the Samara and Bolshoy Irgiz rivers - on the Moche River. Here it was supposed to settle 6800 horse and 136 thousand foot soldiers. In the report of kn. Putyatin, who carried out the assignment of the Orenburg governor, outlined the states according to which"an ordinary hussar was supposed to pay 32 p .40 k in wartime, as in New Serbia and Slavianoserbia" 42.

It is rather difficult to determine the exact number of Montenegrins and inhabitants of the Adriatic coast who migrated to Russia from 1755 to 176543 . They came out in small parties, and in Russia they tried to settle them as far away from the central cities as possible. In any case, the party sent in 1754 from Kiev to Moscow, and then to Orenburg, is known to have included representatives of "the most distinguished Montenegrin families": N. Petrovich-the nephew of the Metropolitan of Montenegro, R. Plamenac-the future governor of Montenegro, S. Vukotich, G. Radonich - "from the Montenegrin gentry" M. Tanovich - "nobleman of the Katun Nahiya" (province), later secretary of Stepan the Small (self-styled Peter III, ruler of Montenegro from 1766 to 1773, who tried to unite the Montenegrin tribes in a single state), priest Feodosiya Mrkoevich, who later acted as Stepan the Small's ambassador to Russia. The names of Ezdemirovich, Vukotich, Knezhevichy, Tverdichy, Ivanovichy, Rasichy are most often found in the list of Montenegrins sent to the Orenburg steppes45 . In 1752-1762, up to 25,000 Yugoslavs settled in New Serbia and Slavonoserbia .46 According to A. A. Skalkovsky, "in the Novoserbsky region, 135 dachas were distributed under the settlement, 122 of them were established villages, 13,925 male residents, 12,230 female residents ,and 31 churches." 47 The lands on which a part of the Yugoslavians settled were "in a beautiful climate and capable of producing all the riches of agriculture and industry." True, these lands, which had only 18 small villages for 385 versts, were under constant threat of attacks by the Crimean Tatars and Turks. The newly created settlements of soldiers "skilled in the wars against the Porte" were to serve as one of the barriers for Russia. As you know, up to

40 Ibid., State Archive, category XV, f. 15, 1770, d. 181, ll. 2-2ob.

41 TSGVIA, f. 10, op. 109, 1754-1761, 23, l. 38.

42 Ibid., ll. 44-72.

43 P. A. Rovinsky, based on the evidence of Yugoslav researchers, puts the figure at 1 thousand people, but it is difficult to verify it. P. O. Morozov believed that the migration of Montenegrins began only in the XIX century (P. O. Morozov. Montenegrin migrants in Russia. "Historical materials from the Archive of state properties". Issue 1. St. Petersburg, 1891, p. 72).

44 M. M. Freudenberg. Stepan Maly from Montenegro. Voprosy istorii, 1975, No. 10; A. P. Bazhova. On the question of imposture on the eve of the Peasant War of 1773-1775 "Peasant wars in Russia of the XVII-XVIII centuries", Moscow, 1974.

45 TSGVIA, f. 10, op. 109, 1754-1761, d. 28, ll. 74-102.

46 V. I. Sinitsa. Problems of the Yugoslavian emigration in Russian politics in the 50s - 60s of the XVIII century. Vestnik Belorusskogo universiteta, ser. 3, 1974, N 1, p. 4. 16; V. M. Kabuzan. Peasant colonization of the Black Sea region (Novorossiya) in the XVIII-first half of the XIX century. " Yearbook on the agrarian history of Eastern Europe. 1964". Chisinau. 1966, p. 318.

47 A. A. Skalkovsky. Chronological review of the history of the Novorossiysk Region. 1730-1823. Part 1. Odessa. 1836, p. 43.

48 Ibid., p. 3.

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In 1774, it was cut off from the Black Sea. The possessions of the Crimean Khan extended to the fortress (later the city) of Alexandrovsk and were a convenient springboard for the Crimean Tatars and Nogais to attack Russian lands; the inspiration for their aggressive actions was Ottoman Turkey. The importance of the barriers created by Russia in the form of New Serbia and Slavoserbia was therefore important: they, together with the Zaporozhye Cossacks, took the first blow in the event of Turkish-Tatar raids.

Part of the Yugoslavians who moved to Russia in the 50s-60s of the XVIII century., took part in the Seven Years ' War as part of the Serbian, Moldavian and Hungarian regiments, which were under the command of Field Marshal PA Rumyantsev. He repeatedly noted the skill and bravery of the soldiers and commanders of these regiments. Many of them were awarded. The Yugoslavs especially distinguished themselves during the Russo-Turkish wars, in the battles of Fokshan, Pock-Marked Grave, the Larga and Jagula rivers. "All strangers and our volunteers ...they answered their rank very diligently, " 49 P. A. Rumyantsev reported. And in the Russian fleet there were many brave sailors and naval commanders-natives of the Yugoslav lands. Many Yugoslavs took part in the actions of the Russian Fleet in the Mediterranean Sea during the Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774. Some came with a squadron from Russia, others, especially residents of the Bay of Kotor, joined the Russian fleet on the spot. The mood in Kotor was such, the Kotor nobleman Vrakien reported to the Venetian authorities, that "if Russian ships enter the waters of Kotor, a great defection of Pomeranians will begin." 50 The Venetian authorities tried in every possible way to prevent this. The Seer of Venice ordered the elders of the seaside communities to draw up lists of absentees. The Yugoslav historian S. Miyushkovich, after analyzing the reports of elders and princes, came to the conclusion that during the actions of the Russian fleet in the Archipelago, "145 people from Prchnya, 175 from Dobrote, 10 from Tivta, and 27 from Lepetan left to serve the Muscovites"51 .

The life of the Yugoslavian settlers in the new places was sometimes not easy. The projects provided for one thing, but in reality there was a lively correspondence between the Orenburg governor, the Senate and the military college about who should pay the settlers money. Montenegrins received their salaries irregularly, and they were not given money for medicines or salt. In connection with the migration among those who came to Russia, the processes that began to develop in the field of socio - economic relations in the Yugoslav lands in the second half of the XVIII century accelerated. This was facilitated by the conditions of Russia. Senior officials, representatives of the highest clergy, officers, such as Miloradovichi, Voinovichi, Croats, Preradovichi, Shevichi and Tekelii, received high salaries, lands, villages and villages with serfs and did not differ in any way from Russian landowners. In the list for 1758 for Slavianoserbia it is recorded: Major General Shevich has a house, a mill, 20 herds of horses, 1,365 heads of cattle; Major General G. Filipovich-a house, a settlement, 15 horses, 20 heads of cattle 52 .

"We live well, thank God, and have a good salary," says one of the letters sent to Vojvodina from New Serbia. "We have salaries, honors, and land in abundance... I wonder how you live there: ..when the officers sent from this court arrive, come here with them, for it is very pleasant here... We get a good salary and have enough land, so that my company and I own three miles of land along the length and two miles wide, and besides, there are many forests and steppes, and there is no lack of respect here, only because of wine-4 pennies are sold." "We lack nothing," says another letter. - We get a good salary, and the land is fertile, forests, fish, waters and crayfish are plentiful... It is allowed to trade and raise cattle, but who can plow as much as they can... The Uniates have never been heard of here...

49 " P. A. Rumyantsev. Documents". T. P. M. 1953, p. 315.

50 IAK UP, 132, 198.

51 p. Mijushkovich. Учешhе бокела у рускоj флоти на Медитерану за вриjеме великог руско-турског рата (1769 - 1774). "Godisho ak Pomorskog muzeja u Kotoru". Kh. Kotor. 1962, pp. 150-151.

52 TSGADA, f. 248, kn. 2732, 1758, ll. 264-671 vol.

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Do not stay in a land where you are disturbed in your faith." "When you come here, brother," wrote a third addressee, "bring me a woman, whether she is rich or poor, for God has given me so much bread that I can support my wife." 53
The Serbian public figure S. Tekelia, describing a visit to Russia in 1787 and 1812, reported on the possessions of his uncle General P. Tekelia, who entered the Russian service in 1750: "His estates on the edge of Mirgorod cover several hectares." On one side of the road stood 16 houses of serfs, whom my uncle had taken out of his villages in the Vitebsk province; half an hour's walk away lay an apiary, a small forest and arable land up to 2 thousand hectares, and three hours ' walk away - the large village of Mikheya with 3 thousand houses and a mill on the Bug River for 12 wagons; my uncle's house beautiful, it has up to 25 rooms, a stable for 70 horses, a building for servants and a large garden 54 . Benefits, privileges, high salaries and power over the tribesmen were enjoyed by senior officers. In 1755, a major general in a Serbian Hussar regiment received 1,800 rubles a year, a colonel - 400 rubles, a captain-200 rubles .

But the situation of ordinary migrants, who received from 17 to 32 rubles a year, was different. An idea of their life can be obtained from the bulletin for 1757 on Slavyanoserbia. In the column "acquisition", as a rule, it should be: "Nothing from the acquisition has" or at best: "One horse, one head of cattle" 56 .

A picture of the life of ordinary Serbian settlers is contained in the memoirs of S. Piscevic: "We learned how hard life is. The desert, no place to bow your head. They didn't know how to build houses. We lived in our settlement like castaways, as if no one had lived on this barren land since the creation of the world... People looked pitiful, those who had money could buy something somewhere at high prices, and those who lived off the payment suffered terribly. Money was spent on clothing and other military needs, and nothing was left for household needs. It was especially difficult for people with large families. " 57
Nevertheless, the poor from the Yugoslav lands continued to leave for Russia. In July 1756, according to the report of the Kiev provincial chancellery, 15 people arrived; "they seem to be poor people, farmers from Chernaya Gora, and do not have clothes or shoes in winter."58 For each person, the military board issued 2 rubles, but, based on the fact that they could not get to the place with this money, another 4 rubles were added, and these 15 people were sent to the town of Oster. In December 1757, a new group of Yugoslavians arrived, consisting of 74 people (among them "representatives of Montenegrin nobles from different provinces"), along with the poor from the provinces of Leszansky, Risna, and Main. All of them were sent to the Orenburg province and placed in the fortresses of Mochulskaya, Krasnosamarskaya, Bor, and Elshanskaya 59 . In the spring of 1758, they were resettled to the lands along the Moche River, where they were to start building military settlements along the lines of New Serbia and Slavianoserbia. Here the situation of the poorest settlers turned out to be even more difficult than in the south of Russia. In their complaints and petitions to the military collegium, the Senate, and the Empress, they spoke about the difficulties they had to face. One of the complaints sent to the military college in May 1758 reveals a picture of the life of poor settlers who found themselves in the position of serfs and were forced to develop unpopulated lands in difficult, unusual conditions, and be subjected to "rudeness and abuse" 60. The most enterprising migrants fled from these places to Moscow, Kiev, New Serbia or back to their homeland. They managed to warn their compatriots about the difficult life in the Orenburg steppes, and those who came to Russia,

53 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1754, d. 1, ll. 219-226.

54 p. Tekelia. Description of the abdomen. Beograd, 1966, pp. 77-78.

55 TSGVIA, f. 10, op. 2/109, 1755, d. 38, ll. 425-425 ob.

56 TSGADA, f. 248, kn. 2732, 1758, ll. 664-671 vol.

57 p. Pishevih. Decree. op., pp. 235-239. S. Piscevic, a Serb by birth, in the rank of lieutenant in 1753 moved to Russia, rose to the rank of Major General. The memoirs are written, according to the author, from diary entries. First published in Moscow in 1883.

58 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1756-1757, 2, l. 91.

59 Ibid., ll. 260, 117-122.

60 TSGVIA, f. 10, op. 109, 1754-1761, 28, ll. 100-113, 154.

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they categorically refused to go to Irgiz and Mocha, "even if their heads were ordered to be cut off" 61 .

Not only the Montenegrins who settled in the Samara and Orenburg provinces, but also the Yugoslavs who settled in New Serbia and Slavianoserbia, complained about their fate. The Hussars (both serving men and from the reserve) and farmers complained of the ruin of the farm, harassment, extortion, non-payment of wages, etc .62 Returns to their homeland and complaints of immigrants about difficult living conditions were mainly associated with the desire of landowners in the south of Russia to fix the settlers. Generals, colonels, majors-natives of the Yugoslav lands, who received villages and lands, also wanted to fix their poorest countrymen. However, the population of the southern and south-eastern suburbs of Russia managed to retain their personal rights. They could not, like serfs, be sold and given away. As early as the 17th century, special conditions developed on the southernmost outskirts of the country, which later led to the fact that serfdom was less developed here. In the struggle against enslavement, the poor who moved from the Yugoslav lands also took part. Analyzing the situation of immigrants, we must also take into account the special atmosphere that existed in Russia at that time: the 60s of the XVIII century, the eve of the Peasant War under the leadership of E. I. Pugachev, the unrest of the masses. There was unrest on the Don, in Zaporozhye, on Irgiz and Yaik, the workmen of the Urals rose up to fight.

The poorest strata of the Yugoslavian migrants are also being drawn into this stream of popular protest. After receiving no response to their complaints and waiting for a change for the better in their situation, they took up arms. On August 24, 1758, the Montenegrins who were in Moscow "came running to the court of the nobleman Prokofy Demidov in a crowd with drawn sabers, mended obscene insolence to the assembled people until the evening and beat many with sabers" 63 . We don't know why they were in Demidov's yard and injured his staff. We can only make some assumptions. Just at this time, a Turkish envoy was supposed to pass through Moscow. In order not to cause unnecessary complications with the Port, which already expressed dissatisfaction with the relocation of its subjects to another state, the Senate ordered: "So that they, the Montenegrins, and especially during the passage of the Turkish envoy, do not cause any nasty things, immediately escort them from Moscow to another city that would be away from the Kiev highway"and Demidov needed labor for his factories and could bury people so that you can't find a trace of them. Not only he, but also the factory owner Stroganova, complained in 1759 that "the Montenegrins came to her house in a crowd with drawn sabers and broke into the gate, cut down the pillars at the porch, etc." 64
In August 1760, ensigns N. Andreevich and G. Bogdanovich from New Serbia "agreed with the Hussars and other ranks in the Montenegrin team to cause indignation, ordered them to load their guns and sabers, in the intention of the commanders, and kill other officers to death, to take away the treasury and written files and send them to different places at their will"65 . But this plan was not implemented. Near Kursk, the Montenegrins were met by an armed group, and almost all of them were arrested. 69 people returned to New Serbia, from where the Senate received the following message:"Only 9 people who are being held under arrest in zhelezy opened up in exact indignation." The instigators of the revolt were the Hussars M. Voinovich, P. Chernoyevich, N. Andreevich, vakhmistry S. Vukotich, G. Bogdanovich, Rodionov, Filipovich, Corporal Bochin and priest F. Vuletich. The Senate ordered: "For the indignation and rebellion committed in the Montenegrin team, the perpetrators should be fined without omission," and at the end of the investigation and trial, "in order to avoid such abominations in the future, they should be distributed in different companies in a small number."66
When guns and gunpowder were distributed to the Novomirgorod garrison in 1760 in connection with the expected attack of the Crimean Tatars, Corporals Stepan Vukotich and others-

61 Ibid., p. 343.

62 Ibid., pp. 216-218.

63 Ibid., ll. 434-434 vol.

64 TSGADA, f. 243, kn. 3221, ll. 16, 22; kn. 3224, l. 225; kn. 3226, ll. 365-430.

65 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1751-1763, d. 1, l. 106.

66 Ibid., pp. 107-110.

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soy Tsvetkovich was found in the riot and outrage." With weapons in their hands, about 200 people took up the defense, told the officers that until their salaries were fully paid, no one would obey them. Neither persuasion nor promises helped. A real battle was fought, in which on one side there were officers led by Y. A Croat armed with cannons, on the other - the rebel privates. As a result, "58 people of the participants of the performance were taken on guard," many were injured. The rebels were dealt with in the same way as the Cossacks, the workmen of the Ural factories and the serfs of the Russian peasants who opposed oppression: "5 people of the first instigators of that rebellion are subject to the death penalty, and the rest, who followed the conspiracy, are subjected to the most severe punishment." In accordance with this order, "Corporals Filipovich and Tsvetkovich are beaten with a whip, their ears are cut off, their nostrils are raised, signs are placed on their foreheads and cheeks, and they are sent to eternal work in Roger-vik (a fortress on the Baltic Sea. - A. B.). And the first to that evil stuffing Corporal Vukotich's dead body is placed on a wheel"67 .

The poor from the South Slavic lands, who spontaneously rose up to fight against serfdom, enjoyed the support of Russian and Ukrainian peasants. So, in the" riot of the Montenegrin team " took part Sergeant Rodionov and Corporal Bochin, judging by the names-Russian 68 . At the same time, the Yugoslavs, according to documents, repeatedly spoke out in support of the Russian household people, Cossacks, odnodvorets69 . Increasingly, the Senate and the military college receive information about the indignation of settlers and ordinary Hussars from the Yugoslavians. The government of Catherine II is trying to find a way out of this situation. A significant part of the Yugoslavians were sent from the Mocha River to New Serbia. The decision was made "to determine a reliable and strict person who would not allow them the slightest self-will and impertinence for secret supervision." From the Novoserbsky Hussars, two regiments were created - "Black" and "Yellow", and the "Elisavetgrad" (infantry) and Slavyanoserbsky regiments were merged into the "Bakhmut"70 . At the same time, a secret decree of Catherine II temporarily stopped all activities aimed at recruiting people of Slavic origin for service and settlement in Russia. The Empress was concerned about the increasing unrest among the Yugoslavs, and was frightened by the appearance in the Yugoslav lands of the impostor Peter III, who received such wide support there.

Since 1767, the departure of Yugoslavs to Russia has lost its mass character, but it has not stopped at all. Moreover, soon a new wave of migration began, associated with the Russo - Turkish wars. This was also facilitated by the terms of the 1774 Kuchuk-Kaynardzhi Peace Treaty, on the basis of which all Porte subjects who fought on the side of Russia were granted the right to leave the Ottoman Empire. This right was used by a considerable number of Yugoslavians.

Soviet historians have also studied a wide range of issues related to the development of the southern regions of our country, in particular, Russia's policy towards immigrants from the Yugoslav lands; analyzed their social composition, the nature of their activities, the contribution they made to the development of the region, and their participation in the Russo - Turkish wars on the side of Russia. On the impact of the relocation of Yugoslavians to Russia-

67 Ibid., ll. 108 vol. - 109.

68 Ibid., pp. 107-110.

69 TSGVIA, f. 10, op. 2/109, 1755, d. 38, ll. 33-33 vol.

70 Ibid., 1754-1761, d. 18, ll. 680, 682.

71 A. D. Bachinsky. People's colonization of the Danube steppes in the XVIII-early XIX centuries. Author's abstract of the cand. diss. Odessa. 1966; L. G. Beskrovny. Edict op.; V. A. Golobutsky. Zaporozhye Cossacks. Kiev, 1957; I. S. Dostyan. The struggle of the Serbian people against the Turkish yoke of the XV-XIX centuries. Moscow, 1958; E. I. Druzhinina. Kyuchuk-Kainardzhiyskiy mir. M. 1955; ee zh. e. Southern Ukraine, 1800-1825. M. 1970; "History of the Ukrainian SSR". Vol. 1. Kiev. 1953; "History of Yugoslavia". Vol. 1. M. 1963; V. M. Kabuzan. Population of Russia in the XVIII-first half of the XIX century. Moscow, 1963; his. Changes in the distribution of the Russian population in the XVIII-first half of the XIX century. Moscow, 1971; Yu. R. Klokman. Field Marshal Rumyantsev during the Russo-Turkish War of 1768-1774, Moscow, 1951; I. V. Semenova. Participation of Bulgarians in the Russo-Turkish wars of the XVIII century. "Balkan historical collection". II. Kishinev. 1972; V. I. Sinitsa. Edict op.; A.V. Fadeev. Ocherki ekonomicheskogo razvitiya Predkavkazya v feudalnom period [Essays on the economic development of the Ciscaucasia in the feudal period]. From the history of cultural relations between Russia and Hungary. "International relations of Russia in the XVII-XVIII centuries", Moscow, 1966.

page 135

The development of the processes that took place in the Yugoslav lands is described in the works of a number of modern Yugoslav historians in the 18th century .72 They examined the process of migration of the Yugoslav peoples during the XVIII century, analyzed the socio-economic aspects of this phenomenon, provided numerous archival documents that testify to the plight of the masses under the yoke of Turkey, revealed the roots of the Habsburg policy towards the Yugoslav peoples, the dependence of their migration on the political plans of the Austrian monarchy. "The resettlement is a testament to the drama of Serbian life," writes B. In the preface to the recently reprinted memoirs of S. Piscevic, a witness to the events of the 50s-60s of the XVIII century, B. Petrovic rightly believes that the motive force that pushed the Yugoslavs to Russia was not so much a sense of religious community, but more practical goals - the desire to improve their living conditions 73 . V. I. Sinitsa is also right, stating that "an objective mutual interest in bringing Russia and the South Slavs closer together required establishing more stable and reliable ties between them and created additional opportunities for their development" 74 Although much new information has been added to the study of the issue under consideration in recent years, it needs further study, drawing on still unpublished archival documents that will allow us to create a more complete picture of the development of political and cultural ties between Russia and the Yugoslav peoples in the XVIII century.and show the role of the resettlement of Yugoslavians in this process.

The very course of the resettlement indicated the existence of developed and permanent ties between Russia and the Yugoslavians. It confirms, on the one hand, the high authority of Russia among the Yugoslav peoples, who placed great hopes on it related to the liberation movement, and, on the other, Russia's interest in developing ties with the Yugoslavs. We must not forget that only the blows inflicted on the Ottoman Empire during the Russo-Turkish wars, and the direct support provided by Russia to the peoples subject to the Port, allowed them, in particular the Yugoslavs, to throw off the Turkish yoke. Defending Russian lands and their own territory, helping Russia in the struggle against Sultan's Turkey, the Yugoslavs directly contributed to the weakening of the Ottoman Empire, which was one of the conditions for the success of the liberation struggle of all the peoples subject to the Porte.

Having moved to Russia, the Yugoslavs were introduced to its culture, got the opportunity to teach their children in Russian schools, the Kiev Theological Academy, and the university. In Russia, in the 50s-60s of the XVIII century, new educational institutions were opened: naval artillery and engineering cadet corps. In 1753, 12 boys from Chernaya Gora were assigned to one of them: I. Petrovich 11 years old, R. Plamenac 8 years old, M. Plamenac 12 years old, S. Radonich and other 75 . In the middle of the 18th century, 20 Yugoslavians studied at the Kiev Theological Academy, where along with theological subjects, general education subjects were taught, including D. Novakovich (later prefect of the school in Novi Sad), J. Raich (historian), E. Skrletic (teacher of the Kiev Academy). The artist G. Zelich, Hieromonk Ambrose and other 76 students studied at the School of Painting at the Kiev Pechersk Lavra . The Montenegrins who came to Russia in 1758 "wanted to join the military service and send their young children to study at Moscow University" 77 . Among the 590 students of the gymnasium at the Moscow Academy in 1751 - 1758, 93 foreigners studied .78
72 p. Gavrilovih Javin tereti i nebo a sremskog stanovnistva sredinoy XVIII stoleha. "Зборник за друштвене науке Матице Српске", 1960, N 26; его же. These works; D. Popovichh. Velika seoba yerba 1969. Beograd. 1954; his J. R. Srbi u Vojvodinj Kn. 2. Od Karlovahkog mira 1699 to Temisvarskog sabora 1790 Novi Sad. 1959; B. Pavihevih. Edict op.; T. Nikhevih. Политиhке строjе у Црноj Горе у процесу ствара°а државе у XIX вjеку. Ceti°E. 1958.

73 p. Pishevih. Decree. soch, p. 25.

74 V. I. Sinitsa. Op. ed., p. 18.

75 " AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Montenegro, 1752-1754, 2, p. 177.

76 "History of Yugoslavia", Vol. I, p. 299; M. Petrov. Pupils of the Kiev Academy from the Serbs from the beginning of the Synodal period to the reign of Catherine II. 1721-1762. Izvestiya of the Department of Russian Language and Literature of the Academy of Sciences, 1907, vol. 9, book 4.

77 AVPR. F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1757-1759, 6, p. 115,

78 "Istoriya Akademii nauk SSSR" (History of the USSR Academy of Sciences), vol. 1, Moscow, 1958, p. 299.

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The Academy of Sciences, Moscow University and the gymnasium attached to it were at that time influenced by the ideas of M. V. Lomonosov, his associates and students. The influence of these ideas can also be traced in the works of figures of the Slavic enlightenment. In conditions when the Yugoslavs had to defend their national identity from foreign influences, separation from Slavic culture was one of the forms of loss of independence. Therefore, the opportunity to enjoy the achievements of Russian culture contributed to the preservation of their identity. Part of the Yugoslav intelligentsia, remaining in Russia, joined the process of developing Russian culture. Among them there are many representatives of various branches, for example, S. Mladenovich - "translator of Slovene-Greek books in the Moscow printing house", S. Boshnyak- "translator from Turkish and Tatar languages in the Kiev provincial chancellery" 79, V. I. Podgorichanin, the Chernoevichi brothers 80, Miloradovichi and others. Many of them held prominent positions (S. Pisčević, J. Horvat, J. Šević, J. Preradović, M. Zorić, etc.), conducted literary and scientific activities. Thus, P. Iulinac, an officer of the Russian service, wrote "A brief introduction to the history of the origin of the Slovenian-Serbian people" (1765). Of undoubted interest not only as a contemporary testimony, but also as a literary work are "News about the adventures of Simeon Pischevich" (about his stay in Russia in 1753-1767). . They give a vivid picture of the life of immigrants in the south of Russia, the author's impressions of Kiev, Moscow, Mirgorod, tells about meetings with prominent figures of Russia in the XVIII century and the Yugoslav emigration. The memoirs are full of historical and geographical information.

Another part of the Yugoslav intelligentsia, returning to their homeland, turned the knowledge gained in Russia to the benefit of their people. Yugoslav researchers often refer to the period of the 1740s - 1750s in the history of their country as "Russian" and note that in the sphere of culture, Russian influence in the Yugoslav lands reached its highest point at that time .82 The perception of the Russian experience accelerated the processes that began to develop in the socio-economic relations of the Yugoslav lands in the second half of the XVIII century. The growing influence of Russia in the Balkans created more favorable conditions for the liberation movement against the Sultan's rule and oppression by the Habsburgs.

79 TSGADA, State Archive, category XX, f. 20, 1760, d. 265, l. 26; f. 248, op. 39, kn. 2564, l. 428.

80 AVPR, F. Relations between Russia and Serbia, 1757-1759, d. 1, l. 1; 1757, d. 3, l. 4.

81 p. Pisheviy. Decree op.

82 P. Vasich. Доба барока. Студиjе и чланци. Beograd. 1970, p. 121.

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Andrija Putnik
Белград, Serbia
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20.01.2025 (19 days ago)
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