Taras Bublyk

Greek Catholic Identity in Western Ukraine During the Process of Legalization, 1980s - 1990s

Taras Bublyk - Assistant Professor of the Department of Church History, Ukrainian Catholic University (L'viv, Ukraine). tarbublyk@gmail.com

The article deals with the revival of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the 1980 - 1990s. The Church officially ceased to exist in 1946 after the "reunification" with the Russian Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, the part of the Greek Catholic clergy and the faithful did not recognize this act and moved to the underground. The process of legalization and revival was accompanied by the growing movement for the Ukrainian national independence. At the same time, the Church continued to remain faithful to the Apostolic See, constantly emphasizing their belonging to the Catholic Church. The legalization of the Church involved not only the relationships with the states, but also with other churches -the Russian Orthodox Church, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, and the Roman Catholic Church. The heated inter-religious conflict was deeply entangled with the issue of national and ecclesiastic identity.

Keywords: Ukraine, Greek Catholic Church, Soviet Union, religious identity, national identity.

The historical fate of Ukrainian Greek Catholics under the Soviet regime in recent decades is an object of scientific interest for many researchers in Ukraine and abroad. In the first period after the democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe and the liberalization of public and religious life

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In the USSR, scientists ' attention was mainly focused on the repressive policies of the Stalinist regime and the liquidation of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC)1. Now the period associated with the struggle of Greek Catholics for legalization and getting out of the underground in the 80s and early 90s of the XX century begins to occupy a dominant place in research. However, even in these studies, socio-political circumstances and state-church relations are mainly considered (B. Bociurkiw, N. Belyakova, V. Voynalovich, V. Pashchenko, Ya. Stotsky).2. On the contrary, the issues of internal church life, the ecclesiology of the identity of Greek Catholics, and the factors that contributed to the return or conversion of priests and believers who were not in the underground to the UGCC are usually left without proper reflection in the scientific literature. Some aspects of this problem are described in the works of P. Galadza, B. Gudzyak, V. Elensky, O. Turia and others.3
The study of these complex processes has recently been facilitated by the constant expansion of the source base through the study of previously inaccessible state archival funds, private collections, projects for the collection of oral testimonies, the appearance of biographical and memoirs-

1. Гуркіна С., Турій О. Історична доля Української Греко-Католицької Церкви після Другої світової війни: "добровільне возз'єднання" - "державна ліквідація" - "конфесійний прозелітизм" // Наукові записки Ужгородського університету. Серій: історично-релігійні студії. Uzhgorod, 2013. Vip. 2. p. 40-72.

2. Боцюрків Б. Українська Греко-Католицька Церква в катакомбах (1946 - 1989) // Ковчег. Збірник статей з церковної історії. Lviv, 1993. N 1. p. 123-164; Belyakova.!!.Power and religious associations in the "late" USSR: the problem of registration // Domestic history. 2008. N 4. С. 124 - 130; Войналович В. Партійно-державна політика щодо релігії та релігійних інституцій в Україні 1940 - 1960-х років: політологічний дискурс. Київ: Світогляд, 2005; Пащенко В. Греко-католики в Україні (від 40-х років XX століття до наших днів). Полтава, 2002; Стоцький Я. Держава і релігії в Західних областях України: конфесійні трансформації в контексті державної політики 1944 - 1964 років. Київ: ФАДА, ЛТД, 2008.

3. Ґаладза П. Сприйняття Другого Ватиканського собору греко-католиками в Україні // Ковчег. Науковий збірник із церковної історії. Львів: Видавництво УКУ, 2001. Ч. 3. С. 377_400; Ґудзяк Б. Релігійне життя в Україні у перші п'ять років незалежності // Ковчег. Науковий збірник із церковної історії. Львів: Видавництво УКУ, 2000. Ч. 2. С. 165 - 185; Єленський В. Релігія після комунізму: релігійно-соціальні зміни в процесі трансформації центрально- і східноєвропейських суспільств: фокус на Україні. Київ: НПУ ім. М. П. Драгоманова, 2002; Віра після атеїзму: релігійне життя в Україні в період демократичних перетворень і державної незалежності/Edited by: M. Tomki, O. Turiya. Львів: Видавництво УКУ, 2004.

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numerous publications in the press and on the Internet. Nevertheless, a significant part of the sources still remain unexplored and even partially inaccessible to researchers. In this article, we introduce into scientific circulation archival documents of the Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine (CSAEO of Ukraine), the Foundation of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR from the Central State Archive of Higher Authorities and Administration of Ukraine (CSAVO of Ukraine), the Foundation of commissioners of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR in Ternopil and Ivano-To the corresponding regional state archives (GATO and GAIFO) of the Franco-Franco region. Unfortunately, materials for the 1980s from the fund of the Commissioner for the Lviv Region (GALO) are still unavailable. This does not allow us to fully analyze the process of legalization of the UGCC, since most of its events were related to Lviv and the Lviv region. Documents from state archives in most cases provide factual material about the struggle of the Soviet government with "Uniate remnants", but among them there are value judgments and retellings of statements made by the "Uniates" themselves about their activities and their motivation.

An important source for analyzing the identity issues of Greek Catholics can be the testimonies of underground members and activists of the struggle for legalization. At the initiative of the current UGCC Bishop Borys Gudziak, employees of the Institute of Church History (IIC), founded by him in Lviv, began recording such testimonies in the form of interviews back in 1992. At the moment, the IIC archive contains more than 2 thousand interviews that allow us to explore various aspects of the religious life of Greek Catholics.

The factor of power and the struggle for independence of Ukraine

As a result of the repressive pressure of the Soviet authorities, the UGCC officially ceased to exist in Galicia (1946) and Transcarpathia (1949) through "reunification" with the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), and all Greek Catholic bishops who stayed in the territory of the USSR, headed by Metropolitan Iosif Slipyj, were arrested later. they were sentenced to different terms of imprisonment. Greek Catholic Community-

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The khovenstvo was forced to choose between converting to government-controlled Orthodoxy and the possibility of continuing to serve in their own Church, but with inevitable reprisals and a ban on "performing religious rites." The hierarchy, priests and believers who refused the "reunification" imposed by the Soviet government with the Russian Orthodox Church, never recognized the official liquidation of the UGCC. After the death of I. In addition to the formation of church structures in the underground (episcopate, clergy, a network of illegal communities, monasteries and seminaries), Greek Catholics began to seek the legalization of their Church, despite the negative attitude of the Soviet government towards religion in general and towards the "union" and " uniates"in particular.

During the 1960s and 1980s, the leaders of the USSR continued their policy of "overcoming religious obscurantism" and general atheization of the population. It seemed that the new General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev, at the beginning of his rule in 1985, while proclaiming the idea of "perestroika" and "glasnost", had no intention of changing the main reasons for the attitude to the religion of his predecessors and insisted on continuing the ideological struggle against the "remnants of capitalism"4. However, already in 1987, on the eve of the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the Baptism of Rus, the party leader of the USSR in his speeches began to talk about the positive role of Christianity in the formation of ancient Russian statehood. Obviously, not being able to counteract the celebration of the jubilee, in particular, in the emigrant environment in the West, the Soviet leadership decided to take control of it and use it in its own interests.5 It was in 1987-1988 that the party leadership began to increasingly assign the Church (primarily the Russian Orthodox Church) one of the main roles in the search for a new ideological basis for society and patriotic education. However, the changes in the religious policy of the Soviet leadership did not concern the underground UGCC.

Despite the "Gorbachev's perestroika", in the second half of the 1980s, Ukraine remained under the control of the old " Brezh-

4. Proceedings of the XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union/Edited by Yu. Kharchenko. Moscow: Publishing House of Political Literature, 1986, p. 194.

5. TsGAVO (Central State Archive of the highest authorities and administration of Ukraine). f. 4648. Op. 7. D. 340. L. 2-7.

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Nevsky " nomenclature headed by Vladimir Shcherbitsky. The Republican Party apparatus stubbornly blocked democratic changes initiated by Moscow. For his part, Gorbachev did not insist on introducing "pluralism" and "new thinking" in the Ukrainian SSR for the sake of political stability in one of the largest republics of the USSR, which also had a high saturation of religious communities.6
It should be noted that discussions around the 100th anniversary coincided with a tragic event in Ukraine - the Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident (April 26, 1986), which had not only a physical, but also a spiritual and psychological dimension. Apocalyptic ideas began to spread among the population, discontent with the authorities grew, and anti-Soviet sentiments intensified.7 Therefore, changes in the religious sphere were aimed, first, at strengthening the socio-political authority of the party elite both inside and outside the country. Second, Soviet officials increasingly and openly acknowledged the ineffectiveness of promoting Soviet atheist ideals.8 Proof of the futility of further atheization of the population can serve as a local case in the village of Grushev in Lviv region on the anniversary of the Chernobyl accident, when a twelve-year-old girl saw the silhouette of the "black Madonna". The "apparition of the Virgin" or the so-called "Grushev miracle" attracted many thousands of pilgrims, and then caused a whole chain of similar "phenomena" in other places of Western Ukraine, which was associated with the activation of the "Uniate underground"9.

It is important to note that in the mid-1980s, the UGCC also experienced internal transformations in the underground. First, there was a gradual change of generations of Greek Catholics.-

6. Грицак Я. Нарис історії України: формування модерної української нації XIX-XX століття. Київ: Генеза, 2000. С. 297.

7. Pospelovsky D. V. Russkaya pravoslavnaya tserkva v XX veke [Russian Orthodox Church in the XX century]. Moscow: Respublika Publ., 1995, p. 387.

8. The Russian Orthodox Church in Soviet times (1917-1991). Materials and documents on the history of relations between the state and the Church, vol. 2. / Comp. G. Strikker. Moscow: "Propylaea" Publ., 1995, pp. 216-218.

9. AIIC (Archive of the Institute of Church History), f. 1, Op. 1, d. 281. (Interview with Fr. Ivan Senkov from 13, 14 25.01.1994); GATO (State Archive of the Ternopil region). F. R-3241. Op. 2. D. 128. L. 10.

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th clergy. The priests who were well-trained during the interwar period were replaced by younger, less educated, but more determined ones, who, together with active lay people, formed a "critical mass" in the second half of the 1980s to acquire freedom on their own 10. Secondly, Greek Catholics in the underground did not manage to overcome the ritual contradictions that had been going on since the 1920s and 1930s and even intensified after the decisions of the Second Vatican Council (decree Orientalium Ecclesiarum), although the Council itself, according to the study of Fr. Peter Galadza, had no direct influence on the life of believers in the underground 11. However, the demands for the "purification of the rite" from numerous Latin influences that came from Rome, from the Primate of the UGCC Iosif Slipyj and his locum tenens (deputy) in Lviv, Vladyka Vladimir Sterniuk, were perceived extremely hostile by some of the clergy (namely, representatives of the Order of St. Basil the Great and priests of the Ivano-Frankivsk diocese).12. Third, the underground bishops have not been able to coordinate their actions and develop a common strategy, or even overcome their mutual differences.13 It is obvious that the internal confrontation did not contribute to constructive work in the legalization of the Church, as it could lead to disillusionment, divisions and marginalization of the UGCC.

The proclamation of" perestroika " opened up new opportunities for Greek Catholics to assert their right to freedom of religion and publicly declare their place in Ukrainian society and in the Catholic Church. It is obvious that an important component of this new identity is the relationship of the UGCC with the Ukrainian national movement and the struggle for an independent Ukraine

It should be noted that, according to the majority of Ukrainian researchers, the liquidation of the UGCC was due to

10. Боцюрків Б. Українська Греко-Католицька Церква в катакомбах (1946 - 1989). С. 143 - 145.

11. Ґаладза П. Сприйняття Другого Ватиканського собору греко-католиками в Україні. С. 388 - 390.

12. Боцюрків Б. Українська Греко-Католицька Церква в катакомбах (1946 - 1989). С. 143 - 145.

13. AIITS. F. 1. Op. 1. D. 451 (Letter of vl. Sofron Dmiterk to Patriarch Miroslav Ivan Lubachivsky dated 30.03.1989).

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its national character and the role it has historically played in Western Ukrainian society 14. Therefore, the party leadership classified the further struggle against the "remnants of uniatism "as part of the"struggle to eradicate Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism". At the same time, it should be emphasized that in the context of political changes in the USSR, activists from national democratic and dissident circles joined the movement for the legalization of the UGCC. At the end of 1987, they established the Committee for the Protection of the Rights of the Ukrainian Catholic Church (UKC15) under the leadership of former political prisoner Ivan Gel16. The Committee, along with other democratic "informal" organizations (for example, the Leo Society, the Ukrainian Helsinki Group, the Taras Shevchenko Association of Ukrainian Languages, the Green World ,and the Ukrainian Cultural Club), became an important link in Western Ukraine in the late 1980s. 17 Its "political face" became a characteristic feature of the Committee, since more than half of its members were dissidents and political prisoners (in particular, Stepan Khmara, Zinovy Krasavsky, Stepania Sichko, and Yaroslav Lesiv, who became a priest at the end of 1988).18. The priests who collaborated with the Committee (in particular, Pyotr Zelenyukh, an underground ordained priest, and Matfey Gavriliv, a former Orthodox hieromonk and graduate of the Leningrad Seminary) were considered "religious extremists" in the eyes of representatives of the Soviet authorities, who were linked with "politicians".

However, the purely religious aspects were very important for the leaders of the Committee. Ivan Gel clearly pointed out the single goal of the organization's activities: to achieve the legalization of the UGCC, defending the "sacred human right" to freedom of religion-

14. Войналович В. Партійно-державна політика щодо релігії та релігійних інституцій в Україні 1940 - 1960-х років: політологічний дискурс. С. 34.

15. The name "Ukrainian Catholic Church" was used in the West in the circles of Greek Catholics of the Ukrainian diaspora

16. AIITS. F. 1. Op. 1. D. T-29 (Interview with Ivan Gel from 21.10.2003).

17. Nahaylo B. (1999). The Ukrainian Resurgence, pp. 92-93. Toronto-Buffalo: University of Toronto Press; SBU State Archive (State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine). F. 16. Op. 14. D. 8. L. 35.

18. Християнський голос. Збірник пам'яток самвидаву Комітету захисту Української Католицької Церкви / Edited by G. Teodorovich. Львів: Видавництво УКУ, 2007. С. 72.

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research institute. By the term "legalization", the Committee primarily understood:

- recognition of the illegality of the liquidation of the UGCC in 1946;

- granting the Church the status of a legal entity;

- return to it all property confiscated by the State, reopen seminaries and monasteries;

- creating conditions for the return of UGCC hierarchs from "forced exile" 19.

The Church leadership warned against excessive politicization of the movement for religious freedom and the participation of clergy in it (in particular, Archbishop Volodymyr Sterniuk and Bishop Sofroniy Dmyterko of Ivano-Frankivsk).20. For their part, the Committee leaders insisted on the political dimension of "getting out of the catacombs", since the liquidation of the UGCC was a political act. [The Committee] acts on behalf of the Church, but was not created by it"; he insisted that the legalization of the UGCC has become one of the important factors in the national-political struggle for the Ukrainian state and that such an association gives "special content" to the opposition movement.22 Despite different approaches to the issue of forms and methods of struggle for the freedom of the Church, the goal for all believers in the catacombs was the same-the legalization of the Church. Perhaps, here they declared a different vision of the way to achieve freedom: the one that is achieved by struggle, and the one that is given. For example, one of the underground bishops of the UGCC, Pavel Vasylyk (author of the statement of August 4, 1987, in which he announced his "coming out of the underground"), stated that "the legalization of the Church begins with each of our official services that we perform" 23. Ivan Gel constantly spoke not about " the legalization of the ChurchRather, it is about the need to "take our own Church"24. On the other hand, Bishop Sofroniy Dmiterko

19. Ibid., p. 93.

20. Sternyuk N. V., Gulko Ya. Щоб ніхто не віддав злом на зло // Людина і світ. 1991. N 4. С. 14 - 19; ЦГАОО. Ф. 1. Оп. 25. Д. 3330. Л. 87.

21. Християнський голос. С. 590 - 594.

22. AIITS. F. 1. Op. 1. D. T-29 (Interview with Ivan Gel from 21.10.2003); Gel I. "Богдан Котик був дуже мудрою людиною..." // "Катакомбна Церква": статті і матеріали/Edited by Y. Dashkevich. Львів: "Логос", 2009. С. 91.

23. AIITS. F. 1. Op. 1. D. 455 (Interview with vl. Pavel Vasilik from 22.10.1996).

24. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 443. L. 8-10.

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back in late 1987, during a "conversation" with representatives of the local authorities, he suggested that they legalize the UGCC, since this, firstly,would confirm the democratic course of the Soviet leadership and, secondly, would deprive the anti-Soviet forces in the West of one of the main arguments. 25
It should be noted that the Committee carried out a very effective fight against the Soviet government, using many political tools of influence: "open divine services" and demonstrations in the cities and villages of Western Ukraine; hunger strikes on the Arbat in Moscow during May - November 1989; collecting signatures for the legalization of the Church; "information war" through contacts with representatives of Western countries. mass media, diplomats, politicians, church leaders; self-published periodical "Christian Voice".

Such forms of struggle helped not only to mobilize believers, but also to clearly demonstrate to the Soviet authorities the attitude of the population to religious issues. In addition, political rallies were often accompanied by the religious and ecclesiastical rhetoric of active laity, and among the programs of informal political organizations there were demands for the revival of Ukrainian Churches - the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) and the UGCC26. Thus, we can talk about a change in approaches to the issue of legalization: from the desire of the underground clergy to distance themselves from politics to the politicization of the Greek Catholic public, which, according to the party leadership, in the late 1980s and early 1990s became an important "trump card" in the hands of the democratic bloc in the confrontation with the communists.

For their part, the authorities continued to assert the impossibility of legalizing the UGCC. Thus, M. Kolesnik, in an analytical note dated January 15, 1988 for the delegation of the Ukrainian SSR to the 44th session of the UN Commission on Human Rights (Geneva, January-March 1988), argued that the recognition of the "Uniate or Ukrainian Catholic Church" and the registration of communities with this name are undesirable for several reasons.27
25. GAIFO (State Archive of the Ivano-Frankivsk region). F. 1-P. Op. 1. d. 5311. L. 34.

26. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2659. L. 21-25.

27. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 400. L. 6-7.

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First, it was impossible from a historical point of view: the "anti-national nature" of the UCC, "inciting hatred towards fraternal peoples", "cooperation with fascists and Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists", "struggle against the socialist system", etc. were mentioned.

The issue of historical identification of the Greek Catholic community was very acute, which was reflected in the simultaneous existence of different names. The name "Ukrainian Catholic Church" began to be used in the diaspora; Soviet propaganda called it "Uniate"; Greek Catholics themselves spoke of the UGCC; in official documentation they were called "Eastern Rite Catholics". For example, in an interview with Vladyka Pavlo Vasylyk in early 1990, a journalist of Prykarpatska Pravda (then an organ of the Ivano-Frankivsk regional Committee of the Communist Party) asked him to clarify who the Greek Catholics were-followers of the Church that was liquidated in 1946, some kind of "new model" or still Catholics, but "eastern rite". In his reply, Vladyka outlined the foundations of the UGCC: the "Vladimir's Baptism" of 988 as its beginning; the Brest Union of 1596 as a confirmation of communion with the Apostolic See; the connection with the Church that was liquidated in 1946 and repressed.28 This rhetoric contradicted Soviet propaganda (as well as attacks from the Russian Orthodox Church) about the creation of the UGCC in 1596 as a result of a Jesuit intrigue aimed at making the Ukrainian people happy, so the "Lviv Cathedral of 1946" became the final act in the people's struggle against "oppressors and traitors", the remnants of which survive in the USSR, and the other part in the West it serves "world imperialism".

Secondly, according to M. Kolesnik, an organization whose membership is guaranteed only for persons of one nationality cannot be legalized in a socialist society, which contradicts the Soviet Constitution, which is based on the idea of bringing nations and peoples closer together, and the prohibition of "preferences for citizens on national and racial grounds" (Article 36 of the USSR Constitution). as well as legislative acts concerning the registration of religious associations 29. In the same direction went

28. "Люди любіть один одного..." Інтерв'ю з владикою Павлом Василиком // Прикарпатська правда. 1990. 2 lyutogo. S. 1, 4.

29. Belyakova N. Power and religious associations in the "late" USSR: the problem of registration / / Otechestvennaya istoriya. 2008. N 4. P. 126, 128.

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accusations of Russophobia, hatred of other nations (as opposed to the Soviet policy of internationalism) and other churches (meaning the Russian Orthodox Church)30. In particular, in 1989, the hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church, demanding decisive actions from the authorities in overcoming the "Uniate problem", referred to the danger of not only religious conflict, but also national conflict, which, in the context of the explosive situation in the USSR as a whole, in their opinion, should have been an argument for decisive actions on the part of the country's leadership.31
Third, the very idea of the UGCC, according to party officials, contradicted the structure of the Catholic Church in the world, in which there are no "national" churches, and therefore the existence of" uniates " in Ukraine is a concession to Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism. Accordingly, the problem is "far-fetched" and can be solved "by life itself" thanks to the departure of the" Uniates " to the two existing Churches in the USSR - the Russian Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church (RCC).

In addition, the officials were armed with the argument of "non-interference in internal church affairs", since the solution of this problem belonged to the sphere of inter-church relations: Greek Catholics "voluntarily" united with the Russian Orthodox Church, so the state should not have had anything to do with the resumption of the UGCC32.

However, already in 1989, the authorities began to lean towards a constructive solution to the problem of legalizing the UGCC. This is evidenced by the well-known document of one of the employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR A. Merkulov "On the negative consequences of the situation around the UCC". The official insisted that the non-recognition of the UGCC increasingly negatively affects the image of the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR, and prolonged delay undermines the authority of Soviet politics in the West 33. Mikhail Gorbachev himself called for a dialogue with ideological opponents (September 28, 1989)34.

30. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2659. L. 5.

31. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 441. L. 71-74.

32. Короткі вісті // Вісті з Риму. 1988. N 12. P. 6.

33. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2659. L. 7.

34. Єленський В. Релігія після комунізму: релігійно-соціальні зміни в процесі трансформації центрально- і східноєвропейських суспільств: фокус на Україні. Київ: НПУ ім. М. П. Драгоманова, 2002. С. 79; Пащенко В. Греко-католики в Україні (від 40-х років XX століття до наших днів). С. 480.

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The party and state leadership of the Ukrainian SSR still remained on the old positions and at the same time opposed the legalization of the UGCC, saying that the refusal to register it is not a restriction or ban for believers, but a prohibition to use religion for anti - socialist, nationalist purposes, and that religious separatism will lead to political violence. On August 20, 1989, the same M. Kolesnik, speaking about changes in church-state relations, denied the possibility of reviving the UGCC, describing the activities of its leaders as political and unconstitutional, which causes hostility and confrontation in society. In his opinion, the demands of Greek Catholics for the return of churches in Western Ukraine (and in the end their use of force methods and the seizure of religious buildings), which as a result of the "Lviv Cathedral of 1946" became Orthodox, have no legal grounds, since they are currently owned by the successors of the builders. Another reason for the refusal to register was the involvement of Greek Catholic leaders in the anti-Soviet political struggle. Thus, according to Kolesnik, individual priests (Petro Zelenyukh, Mikhail Voloshin. Matthew Gavriliv, Yaroslav Lesiv, and the Simkayly brothers) organized and participated in divine services at the graves of nationalists, thereby supporting the forces that advocated an "independent and united Ukraine", which contradicts not only the Constitution, but also the will of the Ukrainian people. Also M. Kolesnik accused the Greek Catholic leaders of falsification, lies, and spreading Russophobic sentiments.36
However, already in 1989, some representatives of the party officials began to look for a compromise. Thus, in Lviv, the head of the City Executive Committee B. Kotik and the first secretary of the Lviv City Committee of the Communist Party V. Volkov in late August 1989 wrote a letter to the Lviv Regional Committee and the regional Executive Committee with a proposal to create a special commission consisting of deputies of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR, representatives of local authorities, historians, lawyers and theologians to study the problem of legalization of the UGCC. According to the plan of the Lviv leaders, the commission was to develop recommendations and submit proposals to the Central Committee and the Presidium of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.-

35. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2659. L. 6.

36. Perestroika i svoboda sovesti: peredomeny li stereopypy [Perestroika and freedom of conscience: whether stereotypes are overcome]. 1989. August 20, p. 3_4.

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Council on the legalization of the UGCC 37. According to I. Gel, since the beginning of 1989, B. Kotik actively contributed to the development of the movement for the legalization of the UGCC, providing confidential information about the measures taken by the authorities against its activists.38 He also did not prohibit the holding of a prayer march on September 17, 1989 in Lviv (with the participation of more than 100 thousand believers), which testified to the support of the population, for which he was accused of an "unprincipled position" and "double-dealing"39. Already at the end of 1989, on the eve of the City Council elections, representatives of the Communist Party of the Ternopil region, feeling strong pressure from political opponents, argued that according to the law, Greek Catholics have the right to freedom of religion.40
The Vatican Factor

Another important factor in the movement for legalization was the issue of the unity of Greek Catholics with the Apostolic See and the West, which, according to S. Plokhia, was one of the important circumstances of their liquidation in the 1940s. 41 Despite all the efforts of the Soviet government, Greek Catholics in Ukraine for four decades did not lose contact with Ukrainians in the diaspora and The Catholic Church. In the 1980s, propaganda justified the ban on registration of UGCC communities, referring to relations with " imperialists "in the West, accusing them of contacts with representatives of" Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism"," clerical circles "and other"anti-Soviets". However, the Uniates ' association with the West threatened the party leadership with a loss of international credibility in the context of the human rights movement (especially after L. Brezhnev signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe on August 1, 1975-

37. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 442. L. 137.

38. AIITS. F. 1. Op. 1. D. T-29 (Interview with Ivan Gel from 21.10.2003); SoborSv. Jura. 22 січня 1989 року. Документи і спогади/Сост. І. Калинець. Львів: Видавництво "Друкарські куншти", 2011. С. 121.

39. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2872. L. 92.

40. GATO (State Archive of the Ternopil region). F. P-1. Op. 39. D. 27. L. 2-3.

41. Plokhy, S. (1994) "In the Shadow of Yalta: International Politics and the Soviet Liquidation of the Greco-Catholic Church", Logos 33 (1 - 4): 60.

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pe) and celebrations of the 1000th anniversary of the Baptism of Rus 42. Western politicians and public figures have increasingly begun to listen to the" voices "of believers behind the Iron Curtain. Soviet experts noted that in the second half of the 1980s ,the "Ukrainian question" (including the "Uniate problem") He became "a potential source of cultural and political opposition in the U.S.S.R."43 and, in particular, US President R. R. Tolkien. Reagan saw it as part of a "psychological war" with the USSR. 44
Greek Catholics enjoyed particular support from Pope John Paul II, who called the priority of his pontificate "the unification of Europe on Christian principles", which Soviet ideologists saw as the Pope's desire to destroy communism and spread Catholicism in the USSR.45
Obviously, the connections of underground Greek Catholics with the West were classified by representatives of the Soviet authorities as socially dangerous. Therefore, in addition to the path of complete liquidation, Greek Catholics were offered a "constructive solution" to the problem of the UGCC, provided that they broke with the Vatican and the head of the UGCC in the West, Iosif Slipyj (died in 1984) and his deputy, Miroslav Ivan Lubachivsky. In the 1970s and early 1980s, there were proposals to legalize the UGCC as a Roman Catholic Church of the Byzantine Rite with jurisdictional subordination to the bishop in the Baltic States.46 In the late 1980s, party documents mentioned the possibility of legalizing the UGCC as an autonomous entity that would be loyal to the Soviet leadership and break ties with the Vatican and the Diaspora.47 However, such ideas did not find support among the Greek Catholic clergy.

In the late 1980s, the argument about cooperation with the West was gradually leveled, as the Soviet leadership itself increasingly sought contacts with the leaders of Western states, in particular with John Paul P.

42. Neduzhko Yu. Боротьба української діаспори за релігійну свободу в Україні (друга половина 70-х - 80-ті рр. XX ст.) // Історія України. Маловідомі імена, події, факти (збірник наукових статтей). К.: Ін-т історії України НАН України, 2008. Вип. 35. С 270 - 271.

43. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 399. L. 26.

44. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2720. L. 88.

45. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 399. L. 26; tsdagou F. 1. Op. 25. d. 2546. L. 7-10.

46. Bociurkiv B. Ukrainian Greek Catholic Churches in the catacombs (1946-1989). p. 149. 47. GALO (State Archive of the Lviv region). F. 3. Op. 62.D. 370. L. 102.

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There was talk about the possibility of the Pope's visit to celebrate the 1000th anniversary of the Baptism of Rus in the USSR 48, positive publications and reviews appeared in newspaper titles, and an apostolic administrator for Roman Catholics in Belarus was appointed 49. Therefore, the planned visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to Italy in late 1989 and a meeting with the head of the Vatican, who repeatedly defended the rights of the repressed Church, was perceived by Greek Catholics as decisive for the fate of their Church. So the underground Archbishop Vladimir Sternyuk in an interview with the correspondent of the American newspaper New York Times said that "we can be outlawed, however... we have reason to be hopeful. The Vatican enjoys moral authority all over the world, and Gorbachev wants to have the support of this great moral authority."50 For example, Bishop Sofroniy Dmyterko asked the commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs M. Derevyanko (Ivano-Frankivsk) to return the former church and monastery, referring to the mentioned meeting.51 Therefore, the logical conclusion of preparations for the visit was the Statement of the Council of Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR of November 20, 1989. However, it was not published for more than a week, and only on the eve of Mikhail Gorbachev's meeting with John Paul II, the text of the document appeared on the pages of the local press: on November 29 in the Ivano-Frankivsk newspaper "Prykarpatska Pravda", on November 30-in Lviv's "Vilna Ukraina" and on December 1-in Ternopil's "Vilna Zhytya". on the front pages of newspapers, but as small notes. Notable was the refusal of the Transcarpathian party official Zakarpatska Pravda to print messages about permission to register Greek Catholic communities.52
According to the Statement, Greek Catholics were granted the right to establish and register communities, using "all the rights established by law for religious associations in the Ukrainian SSR." However, on the other hand, the authorities demanded that the Greek Catholics-

48. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 399. L. 34.

49. The Catholic Bishop in Belarus / / Izvestiya. 1989. November 11, p. 4.

50. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 443. L. 9.

51. GAIFO. f. R-388. Op. 2. D. 216. L. 150-151.

52. Kochan N. The Brest Union and the Ukrainian Catholic Church in the ecumenical perspective. Religious and Public Ecumenical Magazine/Edited by M. Smirnov, G. Avvakumov and others. Brussels-Moscow-Munich, 1995. N 50. P. 46.

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The Council of Churches should return "all places of worship seized by believers in circumvention of the law", so that the transfer of church property can then be considered "calmly and judiciously, on legal grounds" 53.

In general, it can be argued that the Vatican factor in the late 1980s was one of the decisive factors in the revival of the UGCC.

The movement for the legalization of the UGCC highlighted another problem: the complex relationship between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches, which had historical, dogmatic and canonical roots.

Interfaith factor

To strengthen its position in Western Ukraine, the Soviet government used the forces of the Russian Orthodox Church. Thus, in the late 1950s, N. Vyshnevsky, commissioner of the Council for the Affairs of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Lviv region, compared the confrontation between "Uniatism" and Orthodoxy with the struggle of Ukrainian nationalists against the Soviet power. 54 In the mid-1980s, Western Ukraine remained an "outpost of Orthodoxy" in Ukraine and the USSR (as of January 1, 1988, 2,141 religious communities officially operated in the Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil and Transcarpathian regions, which accounted for 38% of the total number of communities in Ukraine (5,689). In particular, out of 6,794 parishes of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Soviet Union, 3,971 communities were registered in the Ukrainian SSR, and 1,823 in Western Ukraine - 55. At the same time, Greek Catholic traditions and rituals continued to play an important role in the life of Orthodox communities in the region. In particular, the head of the ideological department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukrainian SSR, L. Kravchuk, reproached the Orthodox episcopate and clergy of the region for the "sluggish" struggle against "Uniate rites" in the churches of the Russian Orthodox Church. According to him, the Orthodox Church in Western Ukraine has become a haven for many "Uniate elements" who have been given the opportunity to study in Orthodox seminaries and then serve in dioceses in the region, falling under the influence of the part of the population that believes that the Orthodox Church in Western Ukraine has become a haven for many "Uniate elements".

53. З дотриманням законності. Заява Ради у справах релігій при Раді Міністрів УРСР // Вільна Україна. 1989. 30 listopada, p. 3.

54. GALO. F. R-133. Op. 2. D. 25. L. 34-35.

55. Єленський В. Релігія після комунізму: релігійно-соціальні зміни в процесі трансформації центрально- і східноєвропейських суспільств: фокус на Україні. С. 53.

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The "Uniate rite" is part of the national identity. On the other hand, in the 1980s, in the Orthodox environment of Western Ukraine, the majority of clergy were priests who were well-trained in Orthodox seminaries (for example, in the Ivano-Frankivsk region on January 1, 1990, approximately half of the priests were under the age of 40) and believers who were brought up in the conditions of Soviet power, which could not This can have an impact on the "oblivion" of tradition and the gradual marginalization of the Greek Catholic community.

A special role in 1988-1989 in the western region of Ukraine was assigned to the Russian Orthodox Church, which, according to the Communist Party's plan, was to become a deterrent to the struggle against believers for "their Church" 57. Therefore, at the initiative of the authorities in four regions, during 1988-1989, more than 1,300 religious associations of the Russian Orthodox Church were registered. At the same time, preference was given to those localities where "Uniates"were active. 58 The hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church had a negative attitude towards the movement for the legalization of the UGCC, defending the thesis "about the historical collapse of the union."59 On the other hand, with an eye to the events in Western Ukraine, the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church appealed to the Pope, offering the already mentioned solution: believers who were committed to the union with Rome should join the Russian Orthodox Church, and those who valued the Eastern rite should remain in the Russian Orthodox Church.60 The Pope did not accept this formula, but offered his own version: the UGCC should receive legal status, and practical (i.e., property) issues would be decided by the Soviet government, the Moscow Patriarchate and the Vatican in a "close ecumenical dialogue" 61. Obviously, this" formula " did not take into account the national aspect of religious and ecclesiastical issues that were crucial for those years, which may mean an unrealistic or erroneous assessment of events in Western Ukraine

56. GAIFO. f. R-388. Op. 2. D. 218. L. 15.

57. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 3330. L. 20.

58. Українська Пресова Служба. 1989. N 2. P. 7-8; TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2659. L. 45.

59. F. Denisenko Благословляючи єднання народів // Православний Вісник. 1989. N 9. pp. 20-22; Denisenko F. За єдності могутність Вітчизни // Православний Вісник. 1989. N 12. From 28-29.

60. Bociurkiw, В. (1991). "Ukrainski Kosciol katolicki w ZSSR za Gorbaczowa", Wiez 11 - 12 (397 - 398): 163.

61.J. Weigel Свідок надії: Життєпис Папи Івана Павла ІІ/Пер. з англ. Р. Скакуна. Львів: Видавництво УКУ, 2012. С 687.

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the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church, or unwillingness to solve the problem "on their own".

Despite the support of the authorities in opening new parishes and "Ukrainizing" church life (introducing the Ukrainian language into worship services and church publications), the Moscow Patriarchate increasingly lost its authority and influence over the faithful in the region during 1988-1989. This is evidenced by the popularity of ideas among the religious population about the revival of not only the UGCC, but also the independent Orthodox Church in Ukraine as one of the possible solutions to the difficult church-religious situation. 63 It is in this context that the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church took a significant canonical step, giving the Ukrainian Exarchate the status of self-government and a new name-the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC).

The revival of the UGCC and the renewal of the UAOC structures dealt a significant blow to the positions of the Russian Orthodox Church in Galicia. Its hierarchs wanted to change the situation not only through internal transformations, but also hoped for negotiations with the Vatican and interference from the authorities.

Negotiations with the Vatican were held in January 1990 in Moscow and in March 1990 in Kiev and Lviv. Although an agreement was signed and a certain mechanism for resolving conflict situations was developed (which usually concerned the ownership of religious buildings), however, due to the firm position of the Greek Catholic side regarding the main condition of any negotiations-the annulment of the "Lviv Cathedral of 1946", final agreements could not be reached.64 This position of the Greek Catholics indicated a certain critical understanding of the so-called "Eastern Policy" of the Apostolic See, which was typical for the Ukrainian diaspora, especially for the followers of the "movement for patriarchy"65.

62. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2659. L. 17.

63. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 443. L. 57-61.

64. Заява єпископату Української Греко-Католицької Церкви в Україні в справі переговорів Чотиристоронньої комісії про відносини між греко-католиками і православними від 17.03.1990 // Ленінська молодь. 1990. 22 березня. Page 4.

65. AIITS. F. 1. Op. 1. D. 635 (Letter of I. Grechka to archm. Любомиру Гузару от 06.09.1989 г.); Матеріяли до історії українського патріярхального руху/Сост.: А. Сороковський. Львів: Свічадо, 2009. С. 19 - 74).

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Since mid-1989, when the Russian Orthodox Church became a hostage of the authorities in the fight against the movement for the legalization of the UGCC in the Galician region, hierarchs repeatedly appealed to representatives of the authorities at various levels with demands to "solve", "calm down" and even "use force" against the "Uniates", warning of a possible civil conflict and bloodshed 66. Cooperation between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Soviet authorities in the late 1980s and early 1990s had opposite consequences. State assistance was needed to restore the church's infrastructure, although this was a danger of sharing responsibility for the "sins" of the past decades in the context of "debunking" Soviet crimes. The Soviet leadership in the late 1980s perceived the Moscow Patriarchate as an" ally " in preserving the Soviet system67. This distribution of forces explains why the approach of the representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church in Western Ukraine to the national question was consonant with the Soviet policy of internationalism, as opposed to the" nationalists " of the UGCC68.

In March 1990, elections of deputies were held, which were won by representatives of the "People's Rukh of Ukraine" (NRU)to local authorities in the region69. The newly elected deputies showed favor not only to the UGCC, but also to the UAOC, since both Churches were in the positions of Ukrainism, national revival and opposition to the Soviet regime. In that situation, the UOC turned out to be a" stranger", which lost the support of the authorities in at least three regions.

The national question turned out to be one of the decisive ones in the religious and ecclesiastical environment, since it was it that caused the revival of the idea of autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy. Interestingly, in Western Ukraine, it was the UAOC that became the main rival of the UGCC in the struggle for the status of "national" and "its" Church, appealing to the popular slogan "neither with Moscow, nor with Rome." In its appeal to the NRU board, the UAOC leadership proclaimed " the Orthodox faith as the ideology of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church."-

66. TsGAVO. F. 4648. Op. 7. D. 442. L. 35.

67. TSGAOOO. F. 1. Op. 25. D. 2771. L. 55-58.

68. Ibid.

69. Марчук В. Розбудова організаційних структур Української Греко-Католицької Церкви в незалежній Україні // Галичина. 2001. N 7. P. 107.

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Russian statehood", which, in their opinion, in no case can be said about Catholicism. It accused Catholics and the Vatican of helping Polish efforts to reclaim their former lands.70 Such propaganda looked rather strange, since it was in the early 1990s that the confrontation between Ukrainian Greek Catholics and Polish Roman Catholics became more acute. According to Father Turia, this was a "reincarnation" of the interethnic confrontation of the first half of the XX century, 71 and was rather a "strategic competition" between two local Churches with different ritual traditions.72
Conclusions

The UGCC, after several decades of persecution and bans, got a real chance to achieve legalization in the late 1980s. Analyzing this process, it is necessary to take into account the relations of Greek Catholics with representatives of state authorities at various levels, political organizations and movements, and other Churches that influenced the legalization process and played a significant role in the self-identification of representatives of the UGCC.

First, the representatives of the UGCC managed to become an important part of the national-political movement that opposes the top of the Communist Party. Thus, it can be stated that popular religiosity, and with it the UGCC, became the" fuel "for the Ukrainian "velvet" revolution of 1989-91. The people, before putting forward political slogans, began to talk about religious problems.73 The majority of the population of Western Ukraine understood the struggle for "their" state and" their " culture in relation to "their" Church, which was the UGCC.

70. Звернення Крайовій раді Руху, депутатам Верховної Ради СРСР, кандидатам Верховної ради УРСР від Єпархіальної церковної ради УАПЦ (29.12.1989 р.) // Віче. 1990. N 16. P. 2.

71. Віра після атеїзму: релігійне життя в Україні в період демократичних перетворень і державної незалежності/Edited by: M. Tomki, O. Turiya. Львів: Видавництво УКУ, 2004. С. 42.

72. AIIC. F. 1. Op. 1. D. 374 (Interview with fr. Vladislav Kernitsky of 11.05.1994).

73. Маринович М. Українська ідея і християнство або коли гарцюють кольорові коні апокаліпсису. Львів: Видавництво УКУ, 2010. С. 296 - 297.

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Secondly, underground and legalization activists continued to unequivocally declare their loyalty to the Catholic Church and to the Pope, who became one of the main participants in the campaign for the revival of the UGCC. However, already in the context of disputes with Orthodox churches, belonging to a" religious center outside of Ukraine "has become an argument against the exclusive status of" one's own Church " in Western Ukraine.

Third, the process of legalizing the UGCC took place not only in the context of relations with the state, but also in the context of relations with other churches that were present in the region-the Russian Orthodox Church, the UAOC, and the Russian Orthodox Church. It is obvious that the confrontation between Churches in the region reflected the different self-identification of believers, who were looking for an answer to the question "who are we" in terms of national and political worldview, patriotism and confessional affiliation.

Translated from Ukrainian by Anna Vishivanyuk Bibliography/References

Archive materials

Archive of the Institute of Church History (AIIC).

F. 1 Personalities.

State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine.

F. 16 The name of the foundation is classified.

State Archive of the Ivano-Frankivsk region (GAIFO).

F. 1-P Ivano-Frankivsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine.

F. R-388 Commissioner of the Council of Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR for the Ivano-Frankivsk region.

State Archive of Lviv region (GALO).

F. 3 Lviv Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine.

F. R-133 Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR for the Lviv region.

State Archive of the Ternopil region (GATO).

F. P-1 Ternopil Regional Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine.

F. R-3241 Commissioner of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR for the Ternopil region.

Central State Archive of the Highest authorities and Administration of Ukraine (TsGAVO).

F. 4648 Council for Religious Affairs under the Ministry of Migration and Nationalities of Ukraine and their predecessors.

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Central State Archive of Public Associations of Ukraine (TSAOOO). F. 1 Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine.

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